The aim of this thesis is to examine the relationship between language and nation-building. The research is based on critical analysis of nation, nationalism, nation-building and language ideology theories. These theories are applied in the case study: Language as a symbol of the Ukrainian national identity. In order to analyze the origins of such symbolism, the Ukrainian nation-building project is analyzed in historical and political context. In the case study the model of the Ukrainian nation-building is examined through the prism of language policy. This thesis outlines the shortcomings of current state language policy and suggests recommendations for its future improvement.

The dissertation deals with theoretical problem: it seeks to resolve the issues of what determines the competition of identity ideologies, what its manifestations are and what variations of demonstration of belonging and separateness of the population in a particular city of the South-Eastern Baltic Sea region can be created by this competition. The city of Klaipėda and the 20th century are taken as spatial and temporal boundaries of the study, thereby realising that the processes of the competition of identity ideologies which took place in Klaipėda were more general and incidental to many cities of particular South-Eastern Baltic Sea region. This is regarded as the case analysis in a comparative context, which aims at producing generalizations, limited by one case empirical data, of phenomena generic to many cities of the South-Eastern Baltic Sea region, and thereby to contribute to generalization of competition of identity ideologies incidental to multiple cases on the basis of a single case. The objective of the doctoral dissertation is to disclose the influence of the competition of the main consolidating identity ideologies in the public communication space of the city of Klaipėda on the identity of inhabitants of this city in the 20th century and formulate the pattern of the competition of such identity ideologies in the city of the South-Eastern Baltic Sea region on the ground of empirical data. In attaining this objective, the dissertation: 1) analyses the semantics... [to full text] / Disertacijoje sprendžiama teorinė problema: ja siekiama atsakyti į klausimą, nuo ko priklauso, kaip reiškiasi ir kokias gyventojų prisiskyrimo ir atskirumo demonstravimo variacijas konkrečiame Pietryčių Baltijos jūros regiono mieste gali sukurti tapatybės ideologijų konkurencija. Tyrimo erdvinė ir chronologinė apimtis yra apribota Klaipėdos miestu XX amžiuje, sykiu suvokiant, kad Klaipėdoje vykę tapatybių ideologijos konkurencijos procesai buvo bendresni, pasireiškę ir kituose Pietryčių Baltijos jūros regiono miestuose. Tai yra atvejo analizė lyginamajame kontekste, kuria siekiama pateikti vieno atvejo empirine medžiaga apribotus apibendrinimus apie reiškinius, būdingus daugeliui Pietryčių Baltijos jūros regiono miestų, ir šitaip vieno atvejo pagrindu prisidėti prie tapatybės ideologijos konkurencijos, būdingos daugybei atvejų, apibendrinimo. Disertacijos tikslas yra atskleisti pagrindinių konsoliduojančių tapatybės ideologijų konkurencijos Klaipėdos miesto viešojoje bendravimo erdvėje įtaką šio miesto gyventojų tapatybei XX amžiuje ir empirinės medžiagos pagrindu suformuluoti tokių tapatybės ideologijų konkurencijos Pietryčių Baltijos jūros regiono mieste modelį. Joje nagrinėjamas Klaipėdoje aktualizuotas nacionalistinių tapatybės ideologijų reikšminis turinys ir šių ideologijų simbolinio ir ritualinio palaikymo viešojo bendravimo erdvėje būdai 1918–1939 m., 1945–1988 m. ir po 1988 m.; yra nustatomi tapatybės ideologijų, kurios buvo palaikomos Klaipėdoje, konkurencijos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

This thesis deals with the influence of nazi ideology on language in the Sorbian press of the 1930s. The predominantly Upper Sorbian material presents lexemes that were associated with the terminology of the nazi regime. While some lexemes have persisted in the language and have not changed their form ever since, others are completely forgotten. Furthermore, some ideologemes of nazi propaganda and their adaptation in the Sorbian environment are presented. In particular, the areas of identity are unique to the Sorbian context, as they shift the meanings contained in the official conception of ideology. Furthermore literature which was published on the pages of the Sorbianpress is presented as a specific area where the language influenced by nazi ideology has penetrated. Key words: Sorbian press, Upper Sorbian, totalitarian language, propaganda, identity, ideology

This thesis is a critical examination of the UK defence discourse. It is an exploration of the dominant explanation of defence in the UK in 2015, as evidenced by the artefacts of the discourse - most importantly, by the voices of those within the community. In doing so, this thesis seeks to challenge the notion that there is only one right way to manage and judge the notion of defence, highlighting the cultural and contextual dependence of such ideas, and the dangers which arise from it. In asking the simple question what is defence? I have aimed at identifying the references and experiences, through the deployment of an ethnographic approach, which are drawn on to construct the dominant understanding. In doing so, I have sought to distinguish that which is considered legitimate by the dominant managerial narrative and in what contexts. My findings are illustrated in the form of a power structure within which language and symbolism, and their influence on practice, together build the defence community's expression of identity. The predominance of managerialism in today's explanation of defence in the UK and the failings I have identified as a result, are perceivable throughout the UK public sector. Therefore, the restrictive nature of the narrative in excluding creativity and innovation in the defence sector, also has implications for wider public sector reform in the UK and abroad. The primary contribution this thesis makes rests in the application of the ethnographic approach and a post-structuralist three-pillared framework to a discipline which has traditionally been analysed from an organisational or political perspective. The hope is that, in applying this same approach in multiple contexts, a greater understanding of the mechanisms sustaining dominant explanations can be gained, as well as of the importance of legitimised spaces for innovation and creativity in reform processes.

The National Theatre in Prague during the Nazi Occupation: The Foremost Theatre Scene between Oppression and Resistance. (A Historical-sociological Analysis) ABSTRACT The submitted dissertation, based on historical-sociological analysis, describes and explains the status, reaction and functionality of the National Theatre in Prague during the hardest times of our modern history - the occupation of the Czech lands by Nazi Germany, the so-called Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia (1939-1945), the era when the National Theatre, as the top cultural institution, consolidated its artistry, its permanent values and interpretation efforts of its ensemble to defend the right of our society to preserve its own culture, its own existence. The principal objective of this work is to analyze methods and techniques by means of which the National Theatre in Prague, in line with its audience, steadily faced critical situations caused by the Nazi occupation. Among key factors in this process were the acts of Czech theatre performers proving their bravery as they put their work careers and even their own lives at risk to help guide our nation towards awareness and determination not to relinquish the nation's sovereignty. The Nazis viewed the National Theatre in Prague as a potential instrument for fulfilling their plans...

This thesis examines the ideas which underpinned early nineteenth century Toryism and their development in the late eighteenth century. It argues that a distinct, coherent, refined Tory identity emerged from the Tory splits between 1827 and 1830. This was preceded by a process of renegotiation and consolidation in Tory ideology and identity from 1760 onwards. The period between the accession of George III, in 1760, and the passage of the First Reform Act, in 1832, witnessed consistent and sustained crises regarding the constitution established in Church and state. The outbreak of revolutions in America and France reinvigorated debates regarding the nature and location of political sovereignty as well as the relationship between the crown and parliament. Lengthy wars against each nation were followed by severe economic depressions, the apparent proliferation of domestic political radicalism, and intermittent, but determined, demands for parliamentary reform. In addition, there were persistent attempts to alter the religious basis of the constitution to accommodate both Protestant pluralism and, from 1801, predominantly Catholic Ireland. This thesis contends that the debates surrounding these issues contributed to the rehabilitation and renegotiation of late-seventeenth-century and early-eighteenth-century Tory ideas. It also contends that, in moments of crisis and reaction, old Toryism converged with the conservative elements of an increasingly fractured Whig tradition in defence of the constitutional status quo. This convergence, apparent in the opening decades of George III’s reign, was consolidated in the context of the French Revolution. Consequently, after 1812, a broad, but loose, ideological consensus emerged, labelled as Tory, underpinned by anti-populism, commitment to the preservation of Christian orthodoxy, and the establishment of the Church of England. However, below this broad ideological umbrella, differences persisted which created tensions, contributing to the divisions between 1827 and 1830, and, through them, the refinement of Tory identity.

Multiculturalism and the merging of local communities with immigrants demands glocal policies in various sectors—especially in education. In order to successfully integrate immigrants, language acquisition is oftentimes the first initiative educators and politicians regard as one of the most essential attributes for successful and prompt integration. However, language acquisition cannot be separated from the need to bridge communities and their different values, tradition, ideologies, and identities based on their cultural heritages and religious affiliations. In order to properly respond to newly-emerging glocal dynamics in, for instance, classrooms, it is crucial to understand the shifts in racisms from black versus white to East versus West. Therefore, concepts need to consider different dynamics and embrace issues related to gender, sexuality, skin color, habitus, social, financial, and cultural capital, as well as educational achievement (gaps) on an interdisciplinary level. While seeking to find appropriate adaptations of school curricula, it is necessary to not try to run before one can walk—in other words—to not try to let educators teach before they have been taught cross-cultural communication. In addition, racisms cannot be limited to conflicts between immigrants and non-immigrants; racisms also occur among a homogeneous group. The complexity of reuniting and/or integrating various immigrant, non-immigrant, (Middle) Eastern and Western identities and their (intercultural) belonging is critical because of the various circumstances and settings that need to be considered for responding to linguistic, cultural, social, psychological, educational, and financial matters individually. Although there is not one concrete theoretical framework or outcome that can be applied for integration; this dissertation thesis functions as a roadmap for becoming more aware of regional and international struggles. Despite the multifaceted approaches that need to be combined and implemented in terms of second language acquisition, updated teacher training, cross-cultural policies, access to social services and support systems, etc., the education sector remains the foundation for prospective integration: Integrative and multiculturally-aware education provides the glocal society with intercultural and interdisciplinary-applicable assets and capitals. Such abilities help create a politically, socially, financially, culturally, and educationally responsible future embracing transatlantic intermingling instead of oppressing Otherness. Local and global communities benefit from better-adjusted and well-integrated immigrant families and students. The better societies and politics educate, integrate, and value non-locals, the more societies will benefit culturally, socially, politically, and economically from the glocal population. The newly-introduced PIC SAM guidelines provide, in cooperation with key actors and community-centered programs for immigrants and non-immigrants, a roadmap for combining theory and practice in glocal contexts.:Table of Contents vi List of Figures, Tables, and Illustrations x Chapter One 1 Personal Narrative and Relevance: Education as Powerful Integration Tool 1 Rationale, Overview, and Global Integration and Education 7 Theoretical Framework and Methodological Approaches 14 Terminology 17 Steps for Globally-Adjusted Integration and Education 29 Step 1: Understanding Legal Challenges of Turkish Immigrants 29 Step 2: Understanding that Not Every Middle Easterner is a Muslim 33 Step 3: Starting Successful Integration in Kindergarten 33 Step 4: Nurturing Integration Instead of Oppressing Immigration 36 Step 5: Adapting CRT—From Colorblind to Headscarfblind 39 Step 6: Taking the Education Exit for Integration 43 Step 7: Taking the Education Exit to Integration 44 Step 8: Sprucing Up the Headscarf Image 45 Chapter Two 48 Literature Review 48 Chapter Three 103 “Other” Ideologies and Identities—Theoretical Approaches 103 (1) How to Approach Different Ideologies 103 (2) Reasons for Othering and Biased Headscarf Images 103 (3) Disempowering the Exotic Other 104 (4) The Danger of Ill-Ideologies 106 (5) Ideologies as Utopia and Fantasy 108 (6) Capitalization and Mass Economization of Identities and Ideologies 109 (7) Institutionalization of the ISA (aka the School) 110 Chapter Four 113 Individuals are Always-Already Subjects of Ideology 113 Concepts Creating the Multifaceted Constructions of Ideology 114 (1) Ideology as A-Historical 114 (2) Is Ideology “Real” or an Illusion? 115 (3) Individuals are Always-Already Subjects (of Ideology) 116 (4) Subjects within a Mass-Produced Media (Ill)Ideology 117 (5) Shift: From Dominant via Repressed Ideology to State Apparatus 119 (6) Concluding Thoughts on Ideologies 120 Chapter Five 123 Race as Product of Social, Political, and Educational Thought 123 Chapter Six 128 Shifts in Racisms: Whitewashed—From Black to (Middle) East 128 The Wende within Immigration and Globalization 134 (1) History and Its Effect on Pre- and Post-Activism 134 (2) GDR Museums—(False?) Nostalgia in Times of Globalization 141 (3) Cross-Generational Racisms and Racialized White Others 145 Chapter Seven 149 Different Social and Cultural Capitals: East vs. West (German) Habitus 149 Adapting Bourdieu’s Habitus to Different Contexts 151 Comparative Examples: Disadvantaged Groups in the Education Sector 154 Getting to the Nitty-Gritty: The Case of Oscar 156 Concluding the Nitty-Gritty: Political Trust and Progressive Educators 165 Chapter Eight 170 Reverse Activisms: The Importance of Transnational Post-Activism 170 Tear Down that Church! 173 Transferring Activism from the GDR to the 21st Century 177 From “Teaching” Activism to “Doing” Activism 181 East versus West: Striving for Balanced Activisms 184 Activism, Aktivismus, and Activisme—or Negativism? 187 Chapter Nine 190 Adapting and Diversifying CRT 190 Teaching and Learning German and Intercultural Communication 195 Global and Anti-Racist Pedagogies In- and Outside of Schools 200 Roadmap for Changing (the) Dynamics in Germany’s Education 203 (1) Cross-Language Policies: Bilingualism for Everyone 203 (2) Current Challenges in Germany’s Education System 207 (3) Key Actors and Levels in Addressing the Integration Problem(s) 208 (4) Solution Approaches 210 Chapter Ten 212 Glocal Frameworks: Adding “Bi-Religionism” to Bilingualism & Biculturalism 212 Getting to the Nitty-Gritty: The Case of Mo 215 Educational Policy Recommendations 224 Concluding the Nitty-Gritty 230 Chapter Eleven 233 Outlook and Conclusion: Striving for Glocal Awareness and Activist Change 233 References 243 Endnotes 263