Slum development in the Global South continues at a rapid pace, leading to a search for solutions to the severe environmental, social, and economical challenges facing these settlements. Informal economic activities are central to these communities’ survival and structure. Ownership policies have been initiated that contribute to security for residents, and there is evidence that this can lead to increased social and economic productivity. However, studies have also shown that broad ranging titling reforms may destroy existing networks, practices, and livelihoods of residents. This raises a fundamental question on how land titling and formalization of business ownership can be accomplished, while still maintaining local social networks and livelihoods. This thesis calls attention to the need to develop policy approaches that are context specific while also taking into account the complex economic networks that develop in informal settlements. / text

Présente depuis le temps des Romains, et bien au-delà des simples «articles de Paris», la contrefaçon s’est introduite dans tous les domaines de fabrication. L’objectif de cette recherche est de déterminer quelles peuvent être les raisons et les motivations qui poussent un groupe d’immigrants à se spécialiser dans la vente de contrefaçon d’objet de luxe. Pour y répondre, nous proposons de suivre deux hypothèses. D'une part, le contexte politicoéconomique international est constitué de telle sorte qu'il favorise un groupe restreint de pays et limite en contrepartie les débouchés à bon nombre de pays en développement. Les pays développés modulent, ou font pression sur les organisations internationales à leur image afin d'en tirer davantage de bénéfices, et souvent au détriment des pays en développement. Et d'autre part, à l'intérieur de ces populations en mouvement, certains individus font le choix (inévitable ou stratégique) de se cantonner dans un commerce de la rue, parfois illégal, comme c'est le cas de la vente d'objet de luxe contrefait. D’un autre côté, l’adhésion d’un individu à un commerce illégal ne peut lui être totalement imposée par des forces extérieures. Ainsi, il est démontré dans ce travail, que la vente de contrefaçon répond aux particularités et aux exigences de certains individus: statut d’immigrants illégaux, peu ou pas d’expérience de travail compatible avec le pays d’accueil, travail sans contraintes d’horaire, travail à l’extérieur et, surtout, favorisant la vie sociale. / Present since Roman Empire, and that well beyond the simple "articles de Paris", counterfeiting has been introduced in all areas of manufacturing. The objective of this research is to determine what are the reasons and motivations for an immigrant group to specialize in selling counterfeiting luxury. To answer this, we propose two hypotheses. On the one hand, the international politico-economic context is such that it favors a small group of countries and limits, in return, the opportunities of in many countries in development. Developed countries modulate, or lobby, international organizations according to their values and they want to draw the greatest benefits. Often, these benefits are harmful to the others. Secondly, within moving populations, some people are choosing (inevitably or strategically) to confine themselves in a street trade, sometimes illegal, as is the case of the counterfeiting luxury’s selling. On the other hand, illegal trade cannot be fully imposed to individuals by external forces. Thus, it is shown in this work that the sale of counterfeit features meets some expectations and constraints of sellers: illegal immigrant status, no job experience in the host country, no schedule constraints, working outside and, especially, promoting social life jobs.

A partir des associations féminines de microcrédit, des femmes sénégalaises mettent en place des stratégies de solidarité et investissent le secteur de la microfinance à l’aide de systèmes formels et informels d’épargne et de crédit pour assurer la survie de la famille ou l’acquisition de biens matériels et/ou d’argent, gage de succès économique et source de prestige au Sénégal. Ces pratiques de solidarité et de réseautage socio-économiques sont construites et entretenues à partir des acteurs dominants du milieu associatif (dirigeants et fondateurs) avec l’aide des partenaires financiers et techniques. L’Etat et les ONG de développement considérés comme les partenaires de ces associations sont les premiers à leur fournir un apport financier et technique. Ce partenariat s’inscrit dans une logique de lutte contre la pauvreté mais aussi instrumentale dans laquelle les femmes sont considérées comme une ressource, et comme sujette à un « investissement rentable ». Dans cette thèse, on semble se demander si les pratiques associées à la lutte contre la pauvreté en général et le microcrédit en particulier ne profitent pas plus aux partenaires qui en font la promotion qu’aux femmes elles-mêmes. A partir d’une étude de cas, cette thèse tente de comprendre la pratique du microcrédit dans les associations féminines de microcrédit sénégalaises, les dynamiques de collaboration et de pouvoir, entre les différents acteurs, qui se mettent en place, et enfin les objectifs poursuivis par les uns (Etat et ONG de développement) et les autres (les associations de femmes). / Women's microcredit associations allow Senegalese women to support each other while investing in the microfinance sector. Formal and informal savings and credit systems ensure the families survival and the purchase of goods. These, as well as the flow of cash, are proofs of economic success and a source of prestige in Senegal. Solidarity strategies, along with social and economic networking practices originate from key community leaders (both founders and leaders) with the help of technical and financial partners. The state and associated NGOs provide the biggest part of the financial and technical support. The partnerhip fits into a general fight against poverty where women are understood as resources and profitable investments. However one could argue that associated partners often benefit more from the fight against poverty- and the development of microcredit- than Senegalese women themselves. Using a specific case study, the thesis examines the microcredit practices of Senegalese women involved in the associative sector; the power dynamics behind associations of people and, finally, the objectives of each participant (NGOs, state and women’s associations).

La prédominance de l’informel dans l’économie d’Haïti, où plus de 80% de la population vit en dessous du seuil de la pauvreté et plus de 35% au chômage, laisse entrevoir des liens étroits entre l’économie informelle, la pauvreté et le marché du travail. Faire ressortir ces interrelations, exige une évaluation de cette économie informelle qui fait l’objet des quatre chapitres de notre thèse traitant successivement l’évolution de la situation macroéconomique, le capital humain, les gains des travailleurs informels, et la segmentation du marché du travail.Le premier chapitre fait un diagnostic du phénomène selon l’état des lieux des théories élaborées et l’évolution du cadre macro-économique d’Haïti de 1980 à 2010 et propose une évaluation macroéconomique de l’informel à partir d’un modèle PLS (Partial Least Squares) en pourcentage du PIB.Le chapitre deux établit les relations entre l’évolution de l’économie informelle, dérégulation et politiques néolibérales grâce à un modèle LISREL (Linear Structural Relations). Nous examinons les incidences des politiques fiscales, budgétaires et monétaires des 30 dernières années sur l’économie informelle. Nous réévaluons aussi les causes de l’évolution de l’informel généralement évoquées par les études empiriques (taxes, sécurité sociale).Au chapitre trois, nous analysons la dimension micro-réelle de l’informel grâce à un modèle des gains à la Mincer estimé par les équations logit à partir des données d’une enquête nationale sur l’emploi et l’économie informelle (EEEI) de 2007. Nous analysons les déterminants des gains informels au regard de la position des travailleurs sur le marché (salariés, entrepreneurs et indépendants) ; et les revenus (formels et informels) et les caractéristiques socioéconomiques des travailleurs pauvres et non-pauvres par rapport au seuil de pauvreté.Au chapitre quatre, nous testons d’abord la compétitivité et la segmentation du marché de l’emploi en faisant usage de modèle de Roy et du modèle de Roy élargi à travers une estimation d’un modèle Tobit. Nous utilisons un modèle de Processus de Dirichlet : d’abord analyser la segmentation et la compétitivité éventuelle du marché du travail informel ainsi que ses déterminants, selon les données de l’EEEI-2007 ; ensuite, pour distinguer les caractéristiques fondamentales des informels involontaires (exclus du marché du travail formel) de celles des informels volontaires qui en retirent des avantages comparatifs. / The predominance of the informal sector in the economy of Haiti, where more than 80% of the population lives below the threshold of poverty and more than 35% unemployed, suggests links between the informal economy, poverty and the labour market. Highlight these interrelationships, requires an assessment of the informal economy, which is the subject of the four chapters of this thesis, dealing successively with the evolution of the macroeconomic situation, human capital, the informal earnings of workers, and the segmentation of the labour market.The first chapter made a diagnosis of the phenomenon according to the State of affairs of the developed theories and the evolution of the macroeconomic framework of Haiti from 1980 to 2010. And then offers a macroeconomic assessment of the informal sector as a percentage of GDP from a PLS (Partial Least Squares).Chapter two sets out the relationship between the evolution of the informal economy, deregulation and neo-liberal policies through a LISREL (Linear Structural Relations) model. We look at the impact of the budgetary, fiscal and monetary policies of the past 30 years on the informal economy. We also reassess the causes of the evolution of the informal economy generally evoked by the empirical studies (taxes, social security).In the chapter three, we analyse the micro-real dimension of the informal economy through a model of the Mincer earnings estimated by the equations logit from data in a national survey on employment and the informal economy (EEEI) in 2007. We analyse the determinants of informal gains in terms of the position of the market workers (employees, entrepreneurs and self-employed); and revenues (formal and informal) and the socio-economic characteristics of the working poor and non-poor compared to the poverty line.In chapter four, we first test the competitiveness and the segmentation of the labour market by making use of model of Roy and the expanded Roy model through an estimate a model Tobit. We use a model of Dirichlet process: first analyse the segmentation and possible informal work and market competitiveness as its determinants, according to data from the EEEI 2007; then, to distinguish the fundamental characteristics of the involuntary informal (excluded from the formal labour market) than the voluntary informal who gain comparative advantages.

En Afrique centrale, la chasse commerciale contribue fortement au ravitaillement en protéines des ménages en milieu villageois comme en milieu urbain. Elle est accusée de surexploiter la ressource faune, d’avoir un impact très négatif sur la biodiversité animale et sur la régénération forestière et de faire naître des risques importants de développement de maladies émergentes. A partir du cas centrafricain, nous voulons montrer que : la chasse commerciale s’inscrit dans une histoire longue, qui débute avec la colonisation européenne et se poursuit sans rupture, mais avec des acteurs différents, jusqu’à nos jours ; les prélèvements portent principalement sur la faune petite et moyenne qui présente une dynamique naturelle de reproduction très forte et qui supporte bien des pressions de chasse élevées ; la venaison, surtout la viande boucanée, joue un rôle important pour la sécurité alimentaire des ruraux et des urbains les plus pauvres ; la distribution de ce produit vivrier fait intervenir différents acteurs de l’économie informelle ; la filière est illégale, mais jamais criminelle ; la viande de chasse n’est pas en accès libre, mais la filière est fortement régulée par des contraintes sociales, économiques, géographiques et techniques. A partir de ces constats, nous proposons une nouvelle approche politique de la gestion de la faune en Afrique centrale, privilégiant une gestion adaptative de la faune commune sur la base des territoires villageois, recentrant l’Etat sur ses fonctions régaliennes d’organisation de la sécurité alimentaire globale de la population et réorientant la recherche vers la biologie de la petite faune et l’appui technique aux collectivités locales. / In central Africa, commercial hunting strongly contributes to the protein supply of rural and urban households. It is accused of wildlife resources overexploitation, with very negative impacts on animal biodiversity and forest regeneration and with important risks of emergent diseases development. From the Central African Republic case, we want to show that: commercial hunting has a long history, which begins with European colonization and goes on until today, without breaking, but with different actors ; takings mainly focuse small and medium wildlife which naturally has very strong dynamics of reproduction and which supports high pressures of hunting; Bushmeat, especially smoked meat, plays an important part for food safety of rural and urban poorest; distribution of this food products involves various actors of informal economy; this sector is illegal, but never criminal; bushmeat is not in open access, but the network is strongly controlled by social, economic, geographical and technical constraints. From these reports, we propose a new policy approach to wildlife management in central Africa, favoring an adaptive management of common fauna based on village territory, focusing State on its kingly functions to organize proteinic food safety for all people and orientating research towards small fauna biology and local communities technical support.

This dissertation examines how a group of street vendors in Yogyakarta City, Indonesia, experienced a government-organized relocation from Mangkubumi Street to a newly renovated marketplace. In particular, I explore the strategies taken by the leaders of a street vendor organization called Pethikbumi to refuse the relocation and claim their right to the street. Contestations over streets, street vending and street vendor relocations constitute important moments during which citizenship, democracy and belonging are negotiated in the city. I argue that the conflict over belonging and democracy took the form of a social drama and was shaped and structured by specific moral appeals, public performances, and processes of imitation (cf. Turner 1974). The study begins with an exploration of the history of street vending and the pedagang kaki lima (street vendor) in Indonesia. I outline how the pedagang kaki lima were viewed as “dirty”, a simplified code for the transgression of social, spatial and legal boundaries. I move on to explore the way the street vendors of Pethikbumi drew on ideas of “the people” (rakyat), democracy and transparency in claiming their rights. I analyze the ways that Pethikbumi drew on important moments in Indonesia’s past and present, situating this relocation conflict as significant and as part of “history”. The relocation was also rooted in an epistemology of “skepticism” derived from an awareness of the ambiguity and tension between appearances and realities (cf. Anderson 1990). Pethikbumi engaged in tactics to both reveal and conceal the “unseen powers” that were imagined as working behind the scenes to generate conflict. The conflict over the relocation to a marketplace was not only a fight over who had access to the street but also a struggle over what constitutes democracy, how to achieve transparency, and who belongs in post-Suharto Indonesia.

Why do some people in Halifax, Nova Scotia work collecting recyclables rather than in other—more formal—means of employment? Some scholars argue that informal economic activity is the product of a shift towards flexible work regimes and reductions to the social welfare system (the informalization thesis) and/or that increasingly marginalized people are forced into informal economic activities by economic necessity (the marginalization thesis). Drawing on a close analysis of provincial and municipal recycling policies and ethnographic fieldwork with informal recyclers, I argue that the informalization and marginalization theses are based on overly deterministic models of informal employment. Demand for informal recycling in Halifax is supported by a complex raft of environmental legislation designed to increase the rate of recycling. People willingly choose informal recycling as an alternative to formal employment for various reasons, but above all because it offers a tax-free, honest living, autonomy and a decent income.

Greenhouse gas emissions can be reduced through recovery and recycling of resources from the municipal solid waste stream. In São Paulo, Brazil, recycling cooperatives play a crucial role in providing recycling services including collection, separation, cleaning, stocking and collective sale of recyclable resources. The present research attempts to measure the greenhouse gas emission reductions achieved by the Cooperpires recycling cooperative, as well as highlight its socio-economic benefits. Methods include participant observation, structured interview, a questionnaire, and greenhouse gas accounting of recycling using a Clean Development Mechanism methodology. The results afford an exploration of the opportunity for Cooperpires and other similar recycling cooperatives to participate in the carbon credit market. / Graduate

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-02T21:42:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RITA DE CASSIA FERREIRA.pdf: 1025925 bytes, checksum: 9ccf205e9d5cffe3404739b43377ba6f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-09-23 / Reducing the consumption of products that come from the informal economy and educate consumers on what regards to its dangers have been imperative not only for government agencies, but also private organizations and non-governmental institutions that value an improvement business environment. Nonetheless, in spite of the appeal made for consumers not to purchase products from the informal market, numerous informal outlets can be noticed. In this context, this research aims at identifying and analyzing the factors influencing consumer behavior on what concerns products purchased in the informal economy of the Greater ABC Paulista area. To this end, a qualitative study, with an exploratory character, was conducted. Its primary data was collected though semi-structured interviews. Secondary data were obtained through the literature that refers to consumer behavior, considering the following influencing factors: culture, ethics and social responsibility, as well as the informal economy. Subjects who participated in the interviews were economically active people aged between 25 and 44 years old, who consumed products from the informal trade and who were residents in the Greater ABC Paulista area. Based on the results of empirical research is possible to infer that consumers take part in informal trading due to low prices and accessibility to the market place. This is a culturally established consumption due to its widespread presence amongst social networks of which consumers belong. Overall, respondents showed awareness concerning social and environmental harms and ethical issues of the informal economy, yet little is considered at the time of purchase. / Diminuir o consumo de produtos oriundos da economia informal e conscientizar os consumidores acerca dos malefícios do mesmo tem sido um imperativo para os órgãos governamentais, organizações privadas e instituições não governamentais que prezam pela melhoria no ambiente de negócios. No entanto, apesar do apelo feito aos consumidores para não adquirirem produtos do mercado informal, é possível notar nas calçadas das ruas e avenidas a existência de inúmeros pontos de venda informais. Neste contexto, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo identificar e analisar os fatores influenciadores do comportamento do consumidor de produtos adquiridos na economia informal da Região do Grande ABC Paulista. Para tanto, foi realizado um estudo qualitativo, de caráter exploratório, cujos dados primários foram coletados por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas e os dados secundários extraídos da literatura acerca do comportamento do consumidor considerando-se os fatores influenciadores: cultura, ética e responsabilidade social, bem como, a economia informal. Participaram das entrevistas pessoas economicamente ativas com idade entre 25 e 44 anos, consumidoras de produtos oriundos do comércio informal e residentes na Região do Grande ABC Paulista. Com base nos resultados da pesquisa empírica é possível inferir que os consumidores efetuam compras no comércio informal devido ao preço e acessibilidade ao ponto de venda. Trata-se de um consumo culturalmente estabelecido, devido à disseminação do mesmo entre as redes sociais das quais os consumidores fazem parte. De maneira geral, os entrevistados mostram-se conscientes sobre os malefícios sociais, ambientais e éticos da economia informal, mas pouco os consideram no momento da compra.

Cette thèse consistait à étudier les marchés périodiques à Bangkok selon les objectifs suivants ; (1) étudier les modèles de développement et le processus de la naissance des activités commerciales appelées « marché périodique urbain » dans Bangkok (2) connaître les effets des marchés périodiques urbains, leur influence sur la ville et le comportement des habitants (3) connaître les éléments qui ont la potentialité de faire naître les marchés périodiques urbains en effectuant des études comparatives des marchés périodiques urbains qui sont apparus dans divers lieux. La première étape est l'étude des documents relatifs à cette étude. Les théories et les concepts relatifs à ce sujet ont été étudiés. Les variables principales sont ; la pauvreté et le statut de la population, la densité de la population et le système de contrôle étatique. Les variables secondaires sont ; les activités et les composants de la ville et le comportement des acheteurs et des vendeurs. L'étape suivante est la compilation d'informations de différentes organisations pour la classification de l'ensemble des marchés périodiques trouvés. Les fonctionnaires de l’État en charge de la réglementation ont été interrogés afin de comprendre le système de contrôle de telles activités. Nous avons également fait une observation et une interrogation des acheteurs et les vendeurs. Les statistiques de la population, le nombre des emplacements des marchés périodiques et les cartes ont été récoltés, afin d’analyser les relations de la densité des différents types de population avec tous les emplacements des marchés périodiques et les composantes urbaines. Enfin, nous avons sélectionné les trois marchés périodiques urbains pour faire une enquête sur les comportements des vendeurs et des acheteurs en utilisant les questionnaires. Les emplacements et leurs composants environnants ont été analysés pour une compréhension plus claire. Les résultats de cette étude sont (1) Le niveau des revenus de la population influe sur le choix d'un marché périodique, qui émerge en raison de la nécessité ou la demande d'un espace de vente et de marchandises à bas prix. Là, nous pouvons trouver les vendeurs qui font cette activité comme un travail supplémentaire, tandis que les acheteurs ont d'autres raisons telles que gagner du temps. (2) Les marchés périodiques apparaissent en général pour les acheteurs et les vendeurs d'une région éloignée venant à l'endroit à la certaine période de temps, plutôt que pour les gens dans les quartiers ou les environs eux-mêmes. Cela peut désigner la commodité des transports au point, où certaines activités réunissent les gens et donc un marché périodique se produit. (3) Les réglementations de l'État dépendent des caractéristiques des emplacements. L'Etat s’implique toujours dans l'émergence et l'existence d'un marché périodique dans le processus d'autorisation. Cependant, il a été constaté que des marchés périodiques à Bangkok peuvent facilement avoir lieu à cause du contrôle qui n’est pas trop strict. (4) Les petits marchés périodiques se dispersent généralement vers des endroits où les gens se rassemblent, comme les bureaux et les communautés. Les très grands marchés périodiques se trouvent dans des domaines spécifiques autorisées par l'Etat. Nous avons constaté que les activités dans un espace et les composants ne sont pas toujours les facteurs qui influent directement sur l'émergence des marchés périodiques. Des marchés périodiques peuvent exister dans les zones où il n'y a pas un grand nombre des gens qui se rassemblent, mais certains autres facteurs ont été créés pour les attirer. (5) Les comportements des vendeurs et des acheteurs varient avec les composants de l'espace, les gens et le nombre des jours de vente. Ce qui est plus important est que la plupart des acheteurs voient les marchés périodiques comme des lieux de détente plutôt que des lieux pour acheter des marchandises. / This research involved the study of periodic markets in Bangkok with the following objectives: (1) to study the development and emerging procedures of urban periodic markets in Bangkok, (2) to know the impact of urban periodic markets on the city and lifestyles of the population, and (3) to determine the factors leading to the emergence of urban periodic markets in Bangkok which will be useful for the study of other cities that have tendency for periodic markets. The first step of this work was the investigation of relevant documents and work, leading. Theories and concepts related to this type of market were also studied. Variables were then stipulated for the investigation of Bangkok area. The principle variables comprised poverty and population's income ranges, density of different population, namely, local people, students, workers, and tourists, and state's regulations. The supplementary variables were urban components and activities and behaviours of buyers and sellers. The next step was compilation of information from different organizations for the classification of the entire periodic markets found. State's officers in charge of activity regulations were interviewed in order to understand the control system. Buyers and sellers were interviewed and statistics on population, number, and locations of periodic markets including maps were compiled to analyze the relationships of density of different types of population, all periodic market locations, and urban components. Finally, the three selected urban periodic markets were studied on behaviours of sellers and buyers using questionnaire, and the locations together with surrounding components were investigated for clearer understanding. Following is the results of the study. (1) The level of incomes of the people affects the choice for a periodic market, which emerges due to the need for a selling space and low-price merchandise. However, this is not the major reason for other markets where buyers have higher purchasing power. There, we may find sellers who do it as a hobby or as a supplementary job, while buyers have other reasons such as time-saving. (2) Urban periodic markets usually emerge where both buyers and sellers from a remote area rather than areal people themselves come to the place at certain period of times. This may denote convenience of transportation at that point or some activities that gather people temporarily and hence a periodic market occurs. (3) The state's regulations depend on the areal characteristics. The state is always involved in the emergence and existence of a periodic market in the process of authorization. However, it was found that periodic markets in Bangkok could easily take place because the control is still not strict. (4) Small periodic markets usually disperse towards places where people gather, such as office areas, community areas. Big periodic markets are found in specific areas authorized by the state. We found that areal activities and components may not always be the factors directly affecting the emergence of periodic markets. Periodic markets can exist in areas where not a great number of people gather, but some other factors have been created to attract people. (5) The behaviours of sellers and buyers vary with the areal components, people, and the number of selling days. More importantly, buyers also see periodic markets as a place for relaxation rather than a place to buy merchandise. Thus, we frequently find a lot more teenagers in some markets than adults.