Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Technology: Emergency Medical Care, Durban University of Technology, 2011. / Earthquakes are the most frequently occurring natural disaster around the world and it is associated with a large outpouring of humanitarian assistance from the world. Existing models for humanitarian non-governmental organizations (NGO) focus on a variety of preparation and response decisions for aid distribution, but tend not to discuss medical rescue teams responding to international disasters and where they would fit into. Aim The aim of this study was to explore the preparedness of South African Non-Governmental Organisation relief teams for international earthquake response. The ultimate aim was to develop a framework for SA NGO teams responding to international earthquake disasters. Methods This qualitative study made use of a range of data collection tools including documentary sources and interviews, so that it could illuminate the study from all sides and to ensure all relevant data from people and organisations that span the globe could be collected. Conclusion and recommendations The result of the study was a conceptual map of the study recommendations which can be used in the development of a framework for improving South African NGO relief teams‟ response efficiency and effectiveness to international earthquake disasters. The research concludes with a series of recommendations which include: assigning the teams under a leading international academic and operational body and to identify qualified, well prepared and professional personnel on a database for rapid deployment. / Research and Post Graduate Development and Support.

The aim of this research is to highlight both the conceptual and practical factors that constrain attempts to link humanitarian assistance and development aid in political emergencies in Southern Africa by using the case study of Mozambique in the period between 1975-1995. Extensive use and reference to Norwegian relief and development aid during the above-mentioned period is made. Although cross-reference is made to other donor countries such as the Like-minded Group (comprising of Canada, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands, Norway and Switzerland) and UN agencies that supported Mozambique's transition from war to peace, the major focus is on Norway as she has traditionally been the sixth largest bilateral donor by the early 1990's and incorporated long-term development priorities in her programs.

Ämnesområdet avhandlar svenskt, finskt, danskt och norskt bistånd (säkerhetsfrämjande stöd) till de baltiska länderna Estland, Lettland och Litauen under perioden 1991-2001. Undersökningen omfattar främst den säkerhetspolitiska målsättning som respektive nordiskt land har haft för sitt stöd till respektive baltiskt land under 1991-2001. Syftet är att  analysera de fyra nordiska ländernas individuella säkerhetspolitiska  målsättningar och därigenom se om de fyra nordiska aktörerna verkligen är så koordinerade i sitt stöd som de övergripande målsättningarna kan ge sken av? Uppträder de fyra nordiska länderna som den koordinerade aktör som man ibland kan få uppfattningen av? Eller är det så att de i verkligheten agerar som fyra separata aktörer? Som modell för att analysera det nordiska ländernas stöd har det vidare säkerhetsbegreppet för staten använts. / The purpose of this essay came out of a study of the Nordic Countries’ security-policy goals for their individual support programmes towards Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, between the years of 1991-2001. It is easy to believe that the four Nordic Countries are acting in a co-ordinated way in their aims to support the Baltic States. That belief arises from the fairly similar overall security-policy aims connecting their support towards the Baltic States. There are also several other areas in which the Nordic Countries are known to co-operate, for example, the Nordic Council of Ministers, where the Nordic Countries co-ordinate their policies. Therefore I felt the need to analyse if there was a possibility, that they were acting as one co-ordinated actor or if they actually were four separate actors. The reason for the chosen period of time is that it is pointless to analyse the support when the Baltic States were under Russian rule. The liberation from Russia came in 1991 for the Baltic States. And since the Russian withdrawal from the Baltic States the window was suddenly set wide open for support to the newly independent states. The end date 2001 is chosen because of the need to verify the different projects in that period and I don’t intend to study future events in this essay.  The disposition of this essay is as follows: I have extracted the necessary information from each Nordic Country’s security-policy for the support towards the Baltic States and then compared it to six different themes. The themes are connected in a model, which describes the wider security concept for the nation state. The comparison is made so as to see how the Nordic Countries differ in this concept and between the six different themes. Each chapter is connected to one theme and ends with a summary and conclusions. All these conclusions and parts of the summary are then analysed in the final chapter, where all themes are compared over the stated period of time and conclusions are drawn according to the questions posed in the essay. There were a number of conclusions made in the last chapter that show the following. For a start, I would like to comment on the specific programmes made by the Nordic Countries. They differ in length, layout and if they handle one specific Baltic State or all three together. Sweden, Denmark and Norway have gone towards individual programmes for each Baltic State, but Finland holds onto a common programme for all three Baltic States. Another thing is that Finland strongly supports mainly one Baltic State, namely Estonia. That priority is not so evident among the other Nordic Countries. On the financial side, Norway provides 1/5 of the Swedish and Danish and ½ of the Finish contributions. But the strongest proof of the discrepancy between the Nordic Countries can be seen in the analysis of the different themes. One example of many is Sweden’s recently started export of war material for three reduced brigades. No other Nordic Country has that policy and support. The Finns are reducing their support to the Baltic States and terminate this in 2005. My conclusion is that when you closely analyse the Nordic Countries’ support towards The Baltic States, it is evident that they are acting as four separate players even if they seem co-ordinated in their overall aims. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 99-01

The aim of this research is to highlight both the conceptual and practical factors that constrain attempts to link humanitarian assistance and development aid in political emergencies in Southern Africa by using the case study of Mozambique in the period between 1975-1995. Extensive use and reference to Norwegian relief and development aid during the above-mentioned period is made. Although cross-reference is made to other donor countries such as the Like-minded Group (comprising of Canada, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands, Norway and Switzerland) and UN agencies that supported Mozambique's transition from war to peace, the major focus is on Norway as she has traditionally been the sixth largest bilateral donor by the early 1990's and incorporated long-term development priorities in her programs.

The purpose of this study is to explore the activities of transnational organizations which were involved in the Nigerian civil war, in order to evaluate the hypotheses of this study - that the transnational organizations studied here contributed to the outbreak of the civil war; that they attempted to influence the behavior of the conflicting parties; that they helped to prolong the war; and that they served as instruments of conflict resolution in the civil war. The final chapter summarizes the conclusions arrived at in various chapters of the study. The evidence yielded varying degree of support to the hypotheses, These transnational actors are seen to have, through their different interactions with both sides affected the course of the war and have produced mixed impacts. They produced some evidence for the explanation of behavioral patterns likely to be displayed by transnational actors in similar situations. Also, these interactions are seen as giving some validity to the perceived need to expand the analytic framework of actors in international politics.

Text in English / This study analyses the application of a community based intervention, the Care Group (CG) model, in relief work in Somalia and South Sudan. On the basis of expert interviews and a variety of documents it was researched whether the CG model is applicable to the context mentioned or if adaptations would be necessary. An increase in prolonged crises challenges humanitarian action to adapt relief work to longer-term interventions. The concept of combining the strengths of development cooperation and humanitarian action - Linking Relief, Rehabilitation and Development - is looked at in this study. Furthermore, for example, the asset-based community development approach, humanitarian work and characteristics of a protracted crisis were explored as the theoretical back-ground. The findings and the conclusion of this research may provide inputs for other humanitarian NGOs that are working in chronic conflict situations and being confronted with the need to introduce a long-term method for Behaviour Change Communication. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)