This thesis is an explorative experimental study in two parts of different ways of organising Science education in the Swedish context. The first study deals with the question if students attain higher scores on test results if they have been working with integrated Science compared to subject-specific Science i.e. Biology, Chemistry and Physics. The second study concerns the similarities and differences between integrated Science education and Science education in Biology, Chemistry and Physics, especially in the teaching organisation. The introduction describes the nature of integrated curriculum, what integrated learning is, issues about integrated Science education, in what way integration is carried out, between subjects or within subjects, what the opposite to integrated Science is (here named as subjectspecific science education) in the Swedish context and what the Swedish curriculum has to say about integrated Science. Previous studies in integrated curriculum looking at students’ results are referred to, and it is argued for the use of the OECD’s PISA assessment instrument in this study. The thesis consists of two studies, one quantitative and one qualitative, within the above framework. The quantitative study is an attempt to find differences in scores on students’ written results on a large-scale assessment in scientific literacy between students studying in different organisations of Science education. The qualitative study is an attempt to describe differences at classroom level between integrated Science and subject-specific Science. This gives a quite rich description of four schools (cases) in a small town and how they organise their teaching integrated or subject-specific. No differences in students’ results between different Science organisations were found in the quantitative study in this thesis. Possible explanations for the lack of differences in students’ results are discussed in the article. An additional investigation that attempts to test the variable used in the quantitative study is carried out in the thesis, with an attempt to sharpen the teacher organisation variable. This is done to find out if it is possible that there can be found differences with the sharpened variable. The qualitative study gives a glimpse of some differences in the implemented curriculum between schools working with integrated Science education and a school that works subjectspecifically. The teachers do the overall lesson plans in different ways according to which organisation according to integrated or subject-specific Science they work with. When asked in a survey what kind of Science organisation they have, students from the four schools studied answered differently between schools and also, sometimes, within the same school. A further analysis of this second study is carried out by defining a conceptual framework used as structure and a possible explanation for differences between students’ views and teachers’ views on the organisation of Science education. This latter analysis tries to give an enriched description in mainly the two levels of the implemented and attained curricula, and tries to discuss the difference in students’ attained curriculum. A final discussion concludes the thesis and concerns an elaboration of the results of the thesis, problems with the main variable involved in the two studies and the possibility that the teacher actions effects also the magnitude of students’ achievement on tests.

<p>This thesis is an explorative experimental study in two parts of different ways of organising Science education in the Swedish context. The first study deals with the question if students attain higher scores on test results if they have been working with integrated Science compared to subject-specific Science i.e. Biology, Chemistry and Physics. The second study concerns the similarities and differences between integrated Science education and Science education in Biology, Chemistry and Physics, especially in the teaching organisation.</p><p>The introduction describes the nature of integrated curriculum, what integrated learning is, issues about integrated Science education, in what way integration is carried out, between subjects or within subjects, what the opposite to integrated Science is (here named as subjectspecific science education) in the Swedish context and what the Swedish curriculum has to say about integrated Science. Previous studies in integrated curriculum looking at students’ results are referred to, and it is argued for the use of the OECD’s PISA assessment instrument in this study.</p><p>The thesis consists of two studies, one quantitative and one qualitative, within the above framework. The quantitative study is an attempt to find differences in scores on students’ written results on a large-scale assessment in scientific literacy between students studying in different organisations of Science education. The qualitative study is an attempt to describe differences at classroom level between integrated Science and subject-specific Science. This gives a quite rich description of four schools (cases) in a small town and how they organise their teaching integrated or subject-specific.</p><p>No differences in students’ results between different Science organisations were found in the quantitative study in this thesis. Possible explanations for the lack of differences in students’ results are discussed in the article. An additional investigation that attempts to test the variable used in the quantitative study is carried out in the thesis, with an attempt to sharpen the teacher organisation variable. This is done to find out if it is possible that there can be found differences with the sharpened variable.</p><p>The qualitative study gives a glimpse of some differences in the implemented curriculum between schools working with integrated Science education and a school that works subjectspecifically. The teachers do the overall lesson plans in different ways according to which organisation according to integrated or subject-specific Science they work with. When asked in a survey what kind of Science organisation they have, students from the four schools studied answered differently between schools and also, sometimes, within the same school. A further analysis of this second study is carried out by defining a conceptual framework used as structure and a possible explanation for differences between students’ views and teachers’ views on the organisation of Science education. This latter analysis tries to give an enriched description in mainly the two levels of the implemented and attained curricula, and tries to discuss the difference in students’ attained curriculum.</p><p>A final discussion concludes the thesis and concerns an elaboration of the results of the thesis, problems with the main variable involved in the two studies and the possibility that the teacher actions effects also the magnitude of students’ achievement on tests.</p>

Background Maritime History of Korea As is true of all countries, Korea's geography is a major factor in shaping its history. Korea is a peninsula, which extends southward from the Eurasian landmass between Russian Siberia and Chinese Manchuria. It is surrounded by the two great hind powers (China and Russia) and one great maritime power (Japan). During its history, neighbouring countries have invaded Korea over 900 times, in incursions both great and small, by land and sea. 1 This has been a sad history of victimisation by foreign intruders as the Koreans have virtually no record of aggressive ambition outside their peninsula.2 The first recorded maritime activity of Korea relates to King Jun of Ancient. Choson. In 193 B.C. Wee Man, a former officer of the Kingdom of the Chinese Yen, took over the throne of Ancient Choson. 3 King Jun moved by sea down to the southwestern part of the Korean Peninsula with his several thousands followers and became the King of Han (not to be confused with the Chinese Han Dynasty) after being victorious in war against the Mahan.

This research project was designed to investigate the nature, development and impact of the Dublin nationalist press in the mid-nineteenth century. The prime focus was placed upon the period between 1842 and 1865 beginning with the foundation of The Nation newspaper that heralded a new era of Irish constitutional nationalism, and ending with the suppression of The Irish People, a revolutionary newspaper that fmnly established the presence of a long-term advanced Irish nationalist press. The overriding aim of the Dublin nationalist press was to overthrow the 1800 Act of Union and achieve political autonomy for Ireland. During this period the Famine occurred, an event which exerted a crucial impact on Irish nationalist thinking. Within this context, this thesis draws upon critical analyses of the journalistic and literary contents of the Dublin nationalist newspapers in order to assess their effect upon the development of Irish nationalism. The most influential newspapers in the Irish nationalist movement were published in Dublin, and it was the base from where the most important Irish nationalists conducted their political campaigns. Above all, a key aim of this thesis was to assess the role of the Dublin nationalist press in influencing and reflecting both the constructive and destructive nature of Irish nationalism. With this in mind, an emphasis was placed upon . the power of ideas articulated in the Dublin nationalist press, particularly the impassioned dynamics between constitutional nationalism and revolutionary nationalism. This research also focuses upon the thinking of the high-profile individuals who were involved with the Dublin nationalist newspapers, and the inspiration they gave to their contemporaries and future Irish nationalists. Based upon extensive newspaper and manuscript sources, this thesis establishes that what was written in the Dublin nationalist press during the mid-nineteenth century had a powerful and lasting effect on the development of Irish nationalism. Presenting the first defInitive analysis of the relationship between the Dublin nationalist press and the ideological development of Irish nationalism during the mid-nineteenth century, and providing in-depth critical analysis of the propaganda espoused by these newspapers, this thesis offers another much-needed contribution to the important but neglected area of the Irish nationalist press in the nineteenth century.

The EU-Russia Energy Dialogue was launched in October 2000. Its goal was a binding energy agreement between Russia and the European Union, and possibly a wider political partnership. Today, however, the Energy Dialogue seems all but forgotten. How and why did the EU-Russia Energy Dialogue fail to define and create a legally binding energy partnership? There is scant literature about the Energy Dialogue. To the limited extent that the literature addresses the failure, it identifies either ideational, political, economic, geo- economic or institutional variables. But this separation is artificial. To bridge this divide I have developed a novel analytical framework using narratives and Bakhtin’s theory of dialogue. In this respect, the thesis is ideational or constructivist. However, unlike conventional constructivist accounts, which tend to downplay politics, this account emphasises power and conflict: Not dialogue as dual meaning, but many meanings, or ‘heterologue’. Narratives, as opposed to variables, are always in flux. To answer the how question: The dialogue failed because it could not forge a common narrative for the EU-Russia energy trade. Russia sought investment, whereas the EU wanted legal reform. Yet, the Energy Dialogue was a heterologue of conflicting narratives, both between and within Russia and the EU. I have coined six narrative clusters, used as Weberian ideal types: The ‘EUropean’, ‘EU15/25/27’, ‘Euro-Asian’, ‘Dual State’, ‘Statist’ and ‘Post-Imperial’ narratives. To answer the why question: Narratives unfold in time-space, and the initial misgivings were exacerbated by pre-existing narrative divergences (chapter 1), but also by subsequent political (chapter 2), business (chapter 3), geo-economic (chapter 4) and legal developments (chapter 5) – all influenced by the ebbs and flows of world oil prices. Thus, the failure of the Energy Dialogue was never pre-determined, or caused by a singular factor or event. It was shaped in the multidimensional, unfolding time-space of Russo-European relations.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / Since its transition to democracy, South Africa has been expecting a significant increase in investment from Japan. Reciprocal state visits and economic missions have been pointing towards a possible rapid expansion of economic relations. Has there been a substantial increase in investment from Japan since South Africa’s transition to democracy? Actions taken by Japanese companies on the investment front show a different picture than the optimistic one painted by government officials and ministries. The reality is that South Africa is not yet an important investment destination for Japan. This is despite the presence of companies such as Toyota, Nissan, and Mitsubishi in South Africa since the apartheid era. The automotive sector, mainly as a result of the Motor Industry Development Programme (MIDP), and the Coega Industrial Development Zone (IDZ) are the most promising prospects for future investment from Japan. The challenge for South Africa is to increase Japanese investor confidence in its economy. The creation of a possible synergy between Japan’s Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) and the South African-led New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) must be explored. Other recommendations include building stronger ties with influential business groups such as the Japan Business Federation (Nippon Keidanren), and widening the scope of trade and investment beyond the large and established corporations to also include more small and medium enterprises. Although the outlook is bleak for a short-term substantial increase in Japanese investment, the continuing facilitation of stronger relations between Japan and South Africa may produce encouraging results over the long-term.

Impartiality has long been a core norm of United Nations peacekeeping. However, since 2000 the dominant conception of impartiality has changed, leading to more coercive forms of peacekeeping. Claims to impartial authority are no longer based exclusively on terms to which all parties consent. Instead, they are premised on a more ambitious and expansive set of norms related to human rights, around which consensus is presumed but not always affirmed. This dissertation critically examines the change in both the conception and practice of impartiality, which, it argues, is an integral part of the emergence of a more assertive liberal internationalism. In doing so, it challenges dominant constructivist approaches within IR that conceive of norms as linear and static. It advances a framework for a multi-level analysis of impartiality as a “composite” and “contested” norm. Through this framework it elucidates the macro-level politics surrounding the norm’s institutionalisation at the UN, as well as the micro-level politics surrounding its implementation in the specific case of the UN mission in Congo (MONUC). The analysis of the processes of both institutionalisation and implementation reveals an absence of consensus over the norm itself, and over the purposes of and actions involved in contemporary peacekeeping. This contestation, together with varying expectations and incentives created by the norm amongst local actors, frequently results in unintended consequences, which are contrary to the norm’s original intent. And yet, despite these consequences, the very nature of assertive impartiality makes it difficult for those who claim such authority to change course. Given that the legitimacy of peacekeeping derives both from whether it is seen to reflect and promote shared values, as from the degree to which it is actually effective, this difficulty raises troubling questions for peacekeeping itself and for the UN, the institution to which it has become so symbolically linked. This dissertation argues that, ultimately, the UN’s role may be to reflect, rather than to resolve, the differences of normative interpretation among its member states. It concludes that a more practical and prudent conception of impartiality – one which recognises that impartiality is necessarily and inextricably political – will be necessary if scholars and practitioners alike are to navigate the normative tensions inherent to a more assertive liberal international order.

Reinhold Niebuhr remains at the center of a national conversation about America's role in the world, and commentators with divergent political and religious positions look to his 1952 work, The Irony of American History, in support of their views. In this study, Scott R. Erwin argues that an appreciation of Niebuhr's theological vision is necessary for understanding the full measure of Irony and his perspective on life more broadly. Such a study is important because many individuals reading Irony today fail to acknowledge the central role that his Christian beliefs played in his writings. Niebuhr described his theological vision as being 'in the battle and above it,' and, it was this perspective that led Niebuhr, in Irony, to assert that America must both take 'morally hazardous action' in combating the aggression of the Soviet Union and engage in critical self-evaluation to prevent the country from assuming the most odious traits of its Cold War foe. Niebuhr developed his theological vision over the course of the 1930s and 1940s through engagement with Christian doctrine, as most readily seen in his academic works such as The Nature and Destiny of Man, and engagement with current events, as seen in his many journalistic writings during this period. By focusing primarily on Niebuhr's writings between 1931 and 1951, Erwin traces the development of his Christian interpretation of human nature and history, establishes how it informed his theological vision, and reveals how that theological vision underlay his writings on current affairs.

How can one detect and understand change in the face of apparent continuity? This is the question which has been asked by some scholars of institutionalism. One way of answering this is to make analytical room for incremental change as an endogenous source of institutional transformation. Put bluntly, one does not always need spectacular exogenous events, such as wars and revolutions, to explain institutional change. The present thesis is a qualitative case study of Japan’s immigration policy towards economic migrants since the 1980s. Its aim is to uncover a causal mechanism behind the policy development by drawing on a model of institutional change put forward by James Mahoney, Wolfgang Streeck and Kathleen Thelen. At first, the inquiry may seem ill-founded for Japan is neither an immigration country nor an immigrant-receiving country. Indeed, the country still lacks an immigration policy to speak of, and immigrants continue to be called gaikokujin (foreigners) as opposed to imin (immigrants). A closer examination of the recent policy development, however, shows that the content and practice of Japanese immigration policy simply belie its self-description. Since 2012 the Japanese government has admitted highly-skilled migrants as potential permanent residents using a points-based system and has incorporated foreigners into the resident register system for Japanese citizens in order to facilitate their integration into Japanese society. The central claim of the present research is that Japanese immigration policy has become increasingly settlement-oriented as an unexpected consequence of earlier policy decisions and that the change has been endogenously effected without dismantling the pre-existing institution of immigration management. In making this claim, I particularly draw attention to the way in which a cumulative effect of minor changes eventually transformed the basic nature of the policy institution.

Existing moral reflection on immigration law and policy is caught in an impasse between (1) proponents of an individual right to free international migration and (2) proponents of a state’s right to control its borders. In Chapter 1, I examine arguments supporting an individual right to free international migration. I show that the case for this putative right cannot be settled solely by considering the strength of individuals’ interest in being able to cross international borders according to their choice. Rather, at a crucial point, the argument for an individual right to free migration turns on the truth of a particular conception of global justice. In Chapter 2, I examine arguments supporting a state’s right to control its borders. I contend that these arguments do not seek to defend the substantive justice of restrictive immigration policies, but rather the legitimacy of processes of political decision-making by which states unilaterally determine their own immigration policies. Abandoning this right-versus-right paradigm, I recast the debate by focusing on two distinct questions: (1) the question of justice in immigration, which substantively evaluates immigrant admission policy; and (2) the question of the legitimacy of immigration law enacted by procedures responsive only to states’ internal political decisions. I further propose that in articulating principles of justice in immigration, we should first develop a conception of global justice which will provide the background for our evaluation of immigration policy. In Chapter 3, I develop and defend a conception of global justice I call cooperation-based internationalism. I argue that co-citizens are joint participants in a scheme of cooperation which provides them with the social goods they need to lead autonomous lives. They therefore owe each other special duties of social justice. In addition, I argue for a duty of assistance which applies among all human persons globally. This duty requires developed states to assist developing states in establishing minimally just institutions. In Chapter 4, I develop a conception of justice in immigration against the background of cooperation-based internationalism. I argue that there is no requirement for states to allow open immigration. Nevertheless, I argue that co-citizens owe each other duties which impose significant moral constraints on immigration policy: states must (1) allow for family unification; (2) eschew policies that select immigrants based on criteria that unjustly call into question the fitness for citizenship of certain current members; (3) regulate labour immigration so that all current citizens benefit equally unless unequal gains benefit worse-off citizens. The duty of assistance is also imposes constraints on immigration policy. Developed states should (4) avoid immigration policies which cause brain drain harmful to international development and (5) admit and resettle refugees. In Chapter 5, I turn to the distinct question of the legitimacy of unilaterally-enacted immigration law. I argue that the application and enforcement of immigration law counts as a coercive exercise of political power which stands in need of justification. I examine the consent and natural duty of justice theories of political legitimacy, concluding that these influential theories cannot establish the legitimacy of immigration law. I conclude by considering the implications of the illegitimacy of immigration law for the evaluation of irregular migration.