Many social scientists consider race, class, and gender to be the three main axes of inequality and a plethora of research covers these topics. As such, a wealth of knowledge has accumulated about how they affect individuals' life chances and trajectories. Much is also known about how race and gender affect interaction, but what about social class? Little is known about the role of social class during interaction compared to gender and race. Thus, the focus of this thesis is to better understand the effect of social class during interaction. Moreover, I examine social class in combination with gender. I first present meta-theoretical orientations to interaction, social class, and gender. I orient my empirical studies with the theoretical research program of Expectation States Theory (EST). In Chapter 2, I explicate Status Characteristics Theory (SCT), a robust theory from EST. Here I provide two innovations. First, I link implicit social cognition to SCT, and second, I provide illustrations of the mechanisms of SCT. In Chapter 3, I present descriptions of a "rich guy" and "poor guy" from focus groups of University Iowa undergraduates. Two very distinct profiles emerged. In Chapter 4, I present a 12-condition experiment to test explicit and implicit cues of social class on status processes in isolation and in combination with gender. Using the standardized experimental setting of EST, I present social class as a series of interactional cues, which to my knowledge is a first in the EST tradition. The data partially support the theory. In Chapter 5, I discuss the empirical chapters, limitations of the studies, and future directions.

African immigrant women and refugee women face disproportionate reproductive health risks and adverse outcomes compared with the Canadian population. The diversity of African women and complexity of the migration process suggest the need for contextualized knowledge to better understand these challenges. I sought such knowledge through the use of the theoretical frameworks of place and intersectionality. These frameworks draw attention to the multi-level mixture of social relations in given contexts and how they create opportunities and oppression. The specific purpose of this research was to: a) explore how the reproductive health experiences of African immigrant and refugee women were shaped by the unique context of given places; b) consider how these women actively negotiated and constructed place in their search for reproductive health information, services, and support. A multiple case study was used to explore the reproductive health experiences of African immigrant and refugee women in three different areas of Ottawa, Ontario. These areas provided different local contexts (e.g., history, socioeconomic profile, proximity to downtown). In each area, data was collected through interviews with African immigrant and refugee women, interviews and focus groups with reproductive health service providers, and mapping of available services. In total, 19 immigrant and refugee women and 23 service providers participated in this study. The findings showed that African immigrant and refugee women’s reproductive health experiences were much more complicated than simple interaction with neighbourhood services. Their varied social positions in Canadian society were highly relevant. In addition, social networks based in places outside of the system (e.g., private homes, religious institutions) were environments in which they were comfortable and sought support for their reproductive health needs. Recommendations based on these findings include the need to engage communities and explore the delivery of information and services outside of the traditional places employed by the Canadian health care system.

<p>The purpose of this essay is to investigate and analyze the term diversity in five Swedish municipality’s combined gender equality- and diversity plans. The purpose is also to investigate who or whom of the employers that are included in the term diversity and if gender equality is included in the diversity work. The material is analyzed on the basis of theory of intersectionality and discourse analysis. The outcome of the analysis indicates that the municipalities use the term diversity in many different ways in the combined gender equality- and diversity plans. The municipalities usually use the term diversity for all of the employers and all groups of people are included in the work with diversity. Gender is included in the term diversity but gender quality work is often not included in the diversity work. In this essay the term diversity seem to be a difficult term for the municipalities to use and they often uses the term in different contexts.</p>

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Since Sweden can be considered to be a secular society it is interesting to investigate how different actors experience swimming education in the course syllabus of sports and health education, for practicing Muslim girls in middle and high schools. The investigation is based on qualitative interviews with sports teachers, practicing Muslim girls and the staff of the public swimming center in Växjö. The result shows that swimming education can be somewhat problematic, since the Muslim girls only want to attend lessons that are gender separated. In the public swimming center, there are no pools exclusively intended for women, and there are only a few times available for women every week. However, the teachers stress opportunities instead of obstacles, and the students’ experience that their teachers are trying to create possibilities for them to have a gender separated swimming education. The question of swimming education for Muslim girls is analyzed by using Berger’s theories on secularization, pluralism and privatization, as well as discussions on gender and intersectionality. The school and the public swimming center can be seen as secular arenas, which are characterized by secular values and standards. This may lead to consequences, since the swimming education is not designed according to the wishes of the practicing Muslim girls. The subject of swimming education is to some extent negotiated in society, but the swimming education is not fundamentally changing. However there are some possibilities for the Muslim girls to attend, but this may be problematic based on a gender view.

Infertile and childless women think about, live with, and defend their status as mothers and as nonmothers, arguably more so than other women for whom motherhood comes about accidentally or relatively easily in accordance with a plan. Within this group of infertile and childless women are those who are otherwise socially marginalized by factors like class, race, age, marital status, and sexual identity. This dissertation asks about the ways in which marginalized infertile and childless women in America make sense of their situations given the climate of “stratified reproduction” in which the motherhood mandate excludes them or applies to them only obliquely. While other researchers focus on inequalities in access to treatment to explain why many marginalized women eschew medically assisted reproduction and adoption, I emphasize women’s resistance to these attempts at normalization. I take a critical, poststructural, feminist stance within a constructivist analytical framework to suggest that the medicalization, commodification, and bureaucratization of the most available alternative paths to motherhood create the role of the “infertile woman”—i.e., the white, middle class, heternormative, married, “desperate and damaged” cum savvy consumer. By contrast, the women who participated in this study are better described as the “ambivalent childless” (i.e., neither voluntary nor involuntary) and the “pragmatic infertile.” These women experience infertility and childlessness—two interrelated, potentially stigmatizing “roles”—in ways that belie this stereotype, reject the associated stigma in favor of an abiding, dynamic ambivalence, and re-assert themselves as fulfilled women in spite of their presumed deviance.

Research finds that intimate partner violence (IPV) occurs at comparable rates for heterosexuals and sexual minorities; however, few IPV prevention programs exist for sexual minority communities. Most programs are developed on heterosexuals and ignore the unique contexts and dynamics of IPV for sexual minorities. Community capacity IPV prevention programs aim to increase the skills and resources within informal social networks, and they represent a promising approach to IPV prevention for sexual minority communities. The current study explores the informal networks of sexual minorities in order to build knowledge that can inform the future development of community capacity IPV prevention programs for sexual minorities. The goal of the current study was to provide information on three major aspects of sexual minorities’ informal networks: network structure, network function, and the use of networks by sexual minorities experiencing IPV. The study used a mixed method design. The quantitative component included an online survey completed by 367 sexual minorities. The survey asked with whom sexual minorities discuss their intimate relationships, and it asked the response and helpfulness of each member. These data illustrated the structure and function of informal networks. The study also included interviews with seven sexual minority women on their experiences of seeking help for IPV from their social networks. This information addressed the third aspect of informal networks. The quantitative results revealed that sexual minorities turn to on average only three people to discuss relationship issues. Surprisingly, a substantial number were family, and almost half were heterosexual. The qualitative results illustrated that many informal networks members could benefit from receiving education on sexual minority identities and issues, IPV in sexual minority communities, and communication skills. The findings illustrated key aspects of informal networks that can be used to inform future community capacity IPV prevention programs for sexual minorities. Specifically, the quantitative data on network structure and function can be used to inform relevant targets for future programs, and the data from the interviews can inform aspects of program curricula.

Coming out of the closet and sharing a disclosure narrative is considered an essential act to becoming gay (Jagose 1996; Meeks 2006). Although coming out experiences vary by time and place, sexuality scholars note the assumed difficulties when claiming a non-heteronormative identity, including stress, isolation, and rejection (Chauncey 1994; Faderman 1991; Herdt 1993; 1996; Savin-Williams and Ream 2003). In the late 1990s, a post-closet framework emerged arguing that coming out of the closet has become more common and less difficult; “American homosexuals have normalized and routinized their homosexuality to a degree where the closet plays a lesser role in their lives” (Seidman Meeks and Traschen 1999:19). Moreover, post- gay activists and writers such as James Collard (1998) contended that being and doing gay “authentically” involves moving past oppression and despair and living an openly gay life. In light of such arguments, this dissertation research was constructed to explore coming out experiences. I collected 60 narratives from self- identified lesbians and gay men living in Atlanta, New York, and Miami and analyzed these narratives using an intersectional framework. Intersectionality highlights the ways in which multiple dimensions of socially constructed relationships and categories interact, shaping simultaneous levels of social inequality (Crenshaw 1989; 1995). Through the multiple and sometimes complicated intersections of race, class, gender, capital, place, religion, and the body, my analysis exposes institutional and interactional dimensions of power, privilege, and oppression in coming out narratives. Indeed, the kind of "American" or "routinized" homosexuality described by post-closet scholars privileges white, non-gender conforming, middle-class individuals, most often male and urban. Coming out stories that express or embody elements of non-normativity are marginalized and marked as different. In conclusion, intersectionality exposes how privilege functions as a dimension to coming out stories, leading to marginalization and oppression amongst already discriminated identities.

The object of this thesis was to deepen the understanding of the contemporary political discourse regarding migrant women exposed to domestic violence. This was conducted by analysing propositions, motions and interpellation debates raising the issue during the years 2000-2012. The method used was inspired by Foucault’s discourse analysis and the traditional hermeneutic approach. The result showed how several different mechanisms work to both include and exclude these women from the Swedish welfare system. By being women they are included in the political debate regarding men’s violence against women, but their migrant status excludes them from it at the same time. When migrant women are exposed to domestic violence it is often seen as an individual problem even though men’s violence against women generally is seen as a structural problem. Several conflicts of interests were also found. One of them being whether migrant women are to be warned if their partners have abused women before. The man’s right to integrity stands against the woman’s right to protection. Another conflict is the fear of the migration right being abused, which is pitted against the migrant women’s rights. To summarize the analysis this thesis has shown how the portraying of migrant women as different in the political discourse plays an important role in creating conflicts of interest and to some extent exclude them from the welfare system. Women’s right seem to apply only to certain women under certain circumstances. An intersectional perspective was necessary for understanding the complexity of the situation, taking into account how different power relations interact and construct the contemporary discourse.

The purpose of this study is to examine how adolescents can participate and have influence in the society, by making obstacles and opportunities that are considered central for their possibilities to power visible. National and international research indicates that adolescents opportunities to participation and influence are limited by the structures of society. A qualitative method was chosen, in which group interviews were made with 14 youths in development areas in Örebro. Theories are presented which constitute tools for analysis of the obtained results and has been chosen based on power- and participation perspective. An analytical model has been used to illuminate what kind of participation adolescents have in different parts of the society, where the concepts from the theoretical perspectives, power and participation are inserted. The study shows that the youth today wants to participate and have influence but are limited of obstacles related to their age, ethnicity, socioeconomic status and residential area. The study illuminates these obstacles caused by the existing power structures in society and determines what kind of participation; actual, - sense of- and theoretical, adolescent may obtain at different levels in the society.