In this thesis I primarily studied the influence of foreign policy on the development of relations between Japanese political parties and the military in the interwar period. I studied the way in which political parties and military affected each other and which factors influenced the distribution of power on Japanese political scene. Furthermore I tried to show how these relations contributed to the rise of power of political parties and to their subsequent downfall, and how they affected the militarization of Japanese state and it's consequent course towards World War II. Therefore I focused the thesis on 1921 - 1936 period, in which the key events that formed the shape of Japanese state, at least until the end of World War II, took place.

This paper evaluates the United States' decision not to come to Austria's aid prior to and during the Anschluss of 12 March 1938. The uniqueness of this work is the two-front evaluation of both the internal/domestic affairs of the United States and the foreign policy of the US Government vis-à-vis Hitler's aggressive foreign policy. As this paper will show, Anschluss might have been prevented, but at a cost neither the United States nor European powers were willing to pay. The domestic situation in the United States was too fragile, as was the lack of public support for war for FDR to have any leeway in militarily aiding Austria. American, and to some degree European, opinion held that the Austrian question was a European matter, and to that end American domestic policy dominated foreign policy in hopes of reestablishing the United States economy prior to attempting to aid anyone else.

Alors que les travaux historiens existants portant sur la médecine de la France de l’Entre-deux-guerres sont essentiellement tournés vers le réel, les objets, les institutions, cette thèse a choisi d’étudier cette médecine en en caractérisant les représentations. Les représentations de ce qu’est une activité, un domaine en sont en effet constitutives. En rendre compte implique donc d’en saisir aussi les représentations. C’est ce à quoi s’est attelée cette thèse pour la médecine de l’Entre-deux-guerres qui, par là, se veut une contribution originale à l’historiographie existante. Pour retrouver et analyser ces représentations, le choix a été fait d’analyser des revues de vulgarisation qui ont la propriété d’avoir été très peu étudiées alors même que ce sont des média encore très présents dans la France de l’Entre-deux-guerres. Une analyse comparée de grande ampleur portant sur sept revues, qui ont été retenues en fonction des publics qu’elles visaient, a été construite et mise en œuvre. Deux revues de vulgarisation scientifique populaire, deux revues de haute vulgarisation scientifique, deux revues politiques et littéraires et une revue professionnelle médicale ont été analysées suivant une approche qualitative qui permette la prise en charge et la comparaison de ces revues très diverses par leurs formats, leurs contenus, leurs auteurs et les publics visés. Cette approche a notamment pour caractéristique l’adaptation aux particularités de chaque revue et de porter une attention particulière à leur matérialité (illustrations, mises en page, signatures). Au-delà d’une diversité de représentations – les représentations dégagées sont parfois portées par plusieurs revues, parfois spécifiques à l’une d’elles – se dessine l’image d’une médecine puissante, variée et inventive, dont la puissance est assurée grâce aux sciences physiques et au recours à une Nature maîtrisée voire artificialisée. L’image du patient est celle d’un patient infantilisé et de facto ignorant qui a besoin en tout instant de l’expertise ou du savoir du médecin qui peut par ses soins permettre aux corps de la Nation de retrouver leurs santés physique et mentale, et à la Nation de redevenir ainsi économiquement prospère. Au-delà de sa contribution à l’histoire de la médecine de l’Entre-deux-guerres, en dégageant des discours et des modalités d’administration de la preuve spécifiques à certaines revues ou groupes de revues, la thèse apporte aussi des éléments à l’histoire de chacune des revues et à l’histoire des revues de vulgarisation de la France de l’Entre-deux-guerres. / While existing historical scholarship on Interwar medicine in France has mainly questioned the reality, the objects and the institutions, this thesis chose to study it by characterizing its representations. Representations of an activity or a domain are indeed constitutive of this activity or this domain. Therefore accounting for an activity or a domain implies to also grasp its representations. This is what this thesis is seeking to do for the Interwar medicine. By so doing it aims to contribute in an original manner to the existing historiography. In order to retrieve and analyze these representations, the choice was made to analyze a series of popularization journals which present the specificity of not having been studied whilst they were still important media in the Interwar France. A wide comparative analysis of the seven journals – that were chosen according to their intended readership – has been developed and carried out. Two revues de vulgarisation scientifique populaire, two revues de haute vulgarisation scientifique, two revues politiques et littéraires and one medical professional journal have been analyzed, following a qualitative approach that allows to cater for and compare these journals that are very diverse (eg. format, contents, authors, intended readership). One of the characteristics of this approach is the adaptation to the peculiarities of each journal and to pay a special attention to their materiality (illustrations, layout, signatures). Beyond the diversity of the representations – the identified representations are sometimes shared by several journals, sometimes specific to one of them –, an image is drawn, the image of a powerful, varied, inventive medicine whose powerfulness is secured through physics and a mastered if not artificialized nature. The representations of the patient is this of an infantilized and de facto ignorant patient that all the time needs the expertise and the knowledge of the doctor that through its dedicated care can make the bodies of nation retrieve their physical and mental health, and the nation become again economically prosperous. Beyond its contribution to the history of medicine in the Interwar France, by identifying discourses and modalities of administration of proof specific to individual journals or groups of journal, the thesis also brings elements to the history of each of these journals as well as the history of popularization journals in the Interwar France.

Thesis advisor: James Cronin / Thesis advisor: Devin O. Pendas / All efforts after the First World War to found — or reform — government on a democratic basis embraced the abstract concept that democratic legitimacy derived from the consent of the people. In this new age of national self-determination, however, the practical predicament became defining who constituted “the people” and how minorities would be managed. While historians have analyzed this issue in the “new” states of central and eastern Europe, this dissertation argues that it also plagued the supposedly more mature democracies of the Western European victors — Britain, France, and Italy. An analysis of the domestic population policies of those victors demonstrates that a new conception of democracy — based on both liberalism and nationalism — led them to pursue illiberal policies of population engineering with, paradoxically, the best of intentions: the preservation and stability of democracy itself. In an era in which people were becoming more involved in choosing their governments, governments were becoming more involved in choosing their people. While the victors sought to craft a more ethical — or at least more legalistic — form of population engineering than the often violent and ad hoc versions employed further east, the result nevertheless remained at odds with the ethical foundations of liberal democracy. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

This thesis is an examination of enski list, arguably the first magazine published exclusively for women between the wars in Croatia, and Yugoslavia. To fully understand the place, meaning and the impact of this magazine on everyday lives of its readers, with the study of the content I also include examination of the role of its editor and the first Croatian woman journalist Marija Jurić Zagorka. Finally, this thesis examines readers' responses to the content, their opinions, interactions between the readers and the editor, as well as interactions between the readers themselves for the overall assessment of the significance of enski list in the history of popular women's press in Croatia, and Yugoslavia. This thesis is a historical project which uses two theoretical approaches to study of media: feminist political economic approach, and the feminist critique of the public sphere. By combining these two theoretical standpoints I illuminated some of the ways in which media participate in everyday lives of people, specifically marginalized groups, in this case women. Situating the study within the historical context of the interwar Yugoslavia, and interwar Europe was important for understanding of this project, and its research questions. In this study I used multiple methods: (a) textual; (b) historical and biographical and, (c) audience study. In the larger part of this study which is a narrative discourse analysis of the content of enski list, I was also inspired by the interpretive ethnography of texts. I connected ethnography to feminist theory and political economy, to circumstances of gendered everyday practices and to circumstances of media culture production, all within the specific historical context. In this study I found that women in the changing socio-political and economic context expressed their relation to capitalism and modernity in different ways, sometimes exerting their critiques and the refusal of the existing patriarchal structures and sometimes seeking inclusion within the structures, with the intent to practice primarily gender equality by direct participation. Finally, the analysis of enski list has told an important story of the place of media, and the women's press in particular, in initiating, carrying, and challenging traditional and emerging discourses in the hope that they would contribute to the ways in which society can be imagined differently.

L’éclatement de l’Autriche-Hongrie en un ensemble des nouvelles nations en 1918 constitue un événement clé dans l’historiographie de l’Europe centrale. Cette thèse porte sur les relations bilatérales entre deux Etats « nouveau nés » – la Hongrie et la Tchécoslovaquie. Elle se concentre plus particulièrement sur la politique extérieure hongroise et sur les perceptions, motivations et décisions du gouvernement hongrois et de ses différents organes politiques vis-à-vis de la République tchécoslovaque. Cette thèse questionne l'historiographie dominante qui décrit les relations entre Budapest et Prague dans l’entre-deux-guerres à travers le prisme de leur conflit territorial sur la Slovaquie et la Ruthénie – deux provinces hongroises annexées par la Tchécoslovaquie en 1918–1919. Cette recherche confirme que les élites hongroises et les cercles gouvernementaux espéraient récupérer ces territoires, mais elle démontre aussi que Budapest s’est efforcé d'éviter un conflit ouvert avec Prague, considérant que la Tchécoslovaquie était plus peuplée, industrialisée, militarisée et avait plus d'alliances internationales que la Hongrie. A partir des sources primaires principalement en hongrois et en tchèque, mais aussi en slovaque, en français et en anglais, trouvées dans les archives de Budapest et de Prague et dans des ouvrages publiés, cette thèse soutient que le gouvernement hongrois envisageait sérieusement de développer la coopération politique, économique et internationale avec Prague dans les années médianes de l'entre-deux-guerres. Cette thèse est organisée en cinq parties. Quatre périodes se distinguent: l’après-guerre (1918-21, part. 2), les années 20 (1922-1930, part. 3), le début des années 30 (1931-36, part. 5). La première partie traite des sources et de l'historiographie, tandis que la partie 4 s’intéresse plus en détails aux liens de l'opposition démocratique hongroise avec Prague en 1919–1932. / The replacement of Austria-Hungary by series of new nations in 1918 is a key event in the historical reflections in Central Europe. This thesis deals with the bilateral relations between two "new born" states - Hungary and Czechoslovakia.This thesis pays special attention the topic of the foreign policy of Hungary, by exploring the perceptions, motives, and the decisions that the government of Budapest and its different political bodies expressed in regard to the Czechoslovak Republic. This thesis aims to challenge the mainstream historiography which portrays the Budapest-Prague relations between the two World Wars through the prism of the territorial dispute over Slovakia and Ruthenia, two Hungarian provinces that were annexed by Czechoslovakia in 1918–1919. This research confirms that the Hungarian elites and the governmental circles were indeed unsatisfied with the loss of these two regions. However, the historiography has over-estimated the impact of territorial dispute on the practical and every day political attitudes and the decision making process in Budapest. This thesis claims that the Hungarian government tended to avoid open conflicts with Prague, considering that Czechoslovakia was more populous, industrialized, militarized and had more international alliances than Hungary. Analyzing primary sources mainly in Hungarian, and Czech, but also in Slovak, French and English, found both in the archives in Budapest and Prague and in published versions, this thesis argues that the government of Hungary seriously considered developing political, economic and international cooperation with Prague in the middle years of the Interwar. This thesis is organized into five parts. The opening part deals with the sources and the historiography. Part 2 examines the Hungarian policy on Czechoslovakia in 1918–1921. Part 3 tackles the Budapest-Prague relations between 1922 and 1930. Part 4 portrays the connections of the Hungarian democratic opposition with Prague in 1919–1932. Part 5 uncovers the changes of the foreign policy of Hungary towards Czechoslovakia in 1931–1936.

In the early years of the twentieth century, the Ottoman Empire began to crumble due to external wars and internal rebellions dating from about 1908. Due to European influence at the end of the First World War, the Ottoman Empire lost much of its territory in 1919, including Palestine and Syria, comprised of modern-day Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, and Iraq. The European powers incited rebellion among the Middle Eastern peoples to the end of aiding their cause in the portions of the war fought in the Middle East. In return, they promised the Arabs independent nations; in the Treaty of Versailles, the regions were indeed freed from Ottoman rule. The European Allies, however, considered it their responsibility to guide these fledgling independent states; aided by the conclusions of the secretive Sykes-Picot Agreement, as well as preexisting assumptions of the inadequacies of the newly-formed nations to effectively self-rule, the League of Nations decided to create a mandatory system, dividing the regions between Britain and France. Syria and Lebanon fell under French control, and despite the outward appearance of good intentions on the part of the French and British, they were quite imperious in their role as mandatory powers. The Europeans, under the guidance of Sir Mark Sykes of Britain and Georges Picot of France, carved the region into nations that did little to reflect the ethnic and cultural divisions of the region. Dissenters from the Arab world were quickly dealt with, as in the case of Faysal, who argued for the unity and independence of Syria and Lebanon; he eventually lost and was forced to leave Syria, but became the first king of Iraq under British mandate. Popular opinion in Europe tended towards the idea of Arab nations being less civilized, and many nations were more concerned with the status of Germany than with developing an unprejudiced policy towards the Arab nations. Thus those in control of the mandate quickly fell back on old assumptions and past experiences with the region. In this way, inequalities developed that would prove to have a profound impact on regional politics.

At the turn of the century agrarian parties emerged in large parts of Europe. The parties had one thing in common: they stood up for the social, economic, cultural, and political interests of the agrarian society. The Swedish agrarian parties - 1 Bondeförbundet ' and 'Jordbrukarnas Riksförbund1 - were formed between 1913 and 1915.In this study the agrarian parties are not considered to be class parties. Instead, they are described as traditional parties, defending the old agrarian community against expansive industrialization. Their potential voters belonged to various social strata in the agrarian community, and their political programme, often characterized by a markedly negative view of modern society and by cultural protectionism, is summarized here under the term agrarianism. Agrarianism seen as a political theory and an applicable ideology had features in common with Conservatism as well as with Fascism and Socialism. Liberal values, however, were kept in the background.A modernization perspective is adopted in order to demonstrate that the agrarian parties were in fact traditional parties. It is assumed that regional variation in the electoral support of the agrarian parties reflects the modernization process, and, consequently, that the parties were weaker in industrial areas and stronger in socially and economically backward areas.The empirical studies show that the Agrarian parties stand out as traditional parties rather than class parties. Their voter support was stronger in areas where the historical and economic development was characterized by stagnation and conservatism, as well as in areas where social mobilization advanced slowly. In more industrialized and modernized areas conditions were quite the opposite. A study of Swedish interwar agrarianism with special regard to regional variations in party strength proves the agrarian parties to be the inheritors of a way of life formed by centuries of agrarian traditions. / digitalisering@umu

This dissertation illuminates the funding contexts that structured art music composition in interwar France. While music historiography tends to focus solely on patronage - an ill-defined and limited category - as the paradigmatic economy within which pre-paid composition takes place, I bring patronage into conversation with other, similarly enabling funding sources: publishing, radio, film, orchestras, and ballet companies. Through a series of case studies of the individuals, institutions, and practices that provided a market for interwar French art music, I pursue two central ideas: first, that musical works, genres, and styles present sonic traces of the economic forces that structured their composition, and second, that the funding context of music often determines its historiographical reception. The rich musical landscape of interwar France provides a unique setting through which to explore these ideas. Between a remarkable flowering of artistic movements, the rapid proliferation of new media for cultural expression, and steadily increasing institutional involvement in music composition and performance, we can observe a remarkable context of wealth and power exerting a significant impact on the practices of music composition and performance. In order to theorize patronage in the broader context of funding for music composition, I explore the conventions of individual, aristocratic patronage, focusing on commissions as contractual exchanges and as reflective of the "collections" to which they belong, both for patrons and composers. While the state lagged far behind individual patrons in terms of direct commissions to composers, it nevertheless found numerous ways to intervene in musical culture in the hope of stimulating the market for art music composition, particularly with respect to symphonic music. The clear-cut patronage of aristocratic individuals and public ministries contrasts sharply with the ambiguous roles played by the leaders of three influential ballet companies (Ballets Suedois, Soirees de Paris, Ballets Ida Rubinstein) whose competition with the Ballets Russes engendered precisely the market for new French music that the state sought vainly to encourage. Through my study of these ballet companies and of the business correspondence of Darius Milhaud, I show that rather than constraining or corrupting creativity, many sources of funding not ordinarily considered "patronage" nevertheless freed composers to pursue experimental avenues and enrich musical culture, in their time and in ours. / Music

This paper analyzes the Swedish labor market during the interwar and early postwar period within the framework of modern labor market theory. The development of unemployment during this period - according to the commonly cited source of labor union reports - represents a conundrum for research. The unemployment rate rose after the initial diverse shock of 1921 and stayed at a permanently higher level for the rest of the interwar period. This development was reversed after World War Two when the unemployment rate decreased and stayed permanently low for the rest of the postwar period until the oil price chock of the 1970s. In a first step the available sources of unemployment statistics is investigated and compared. The general conclusion is that the labor union reports overestimate the level of economy wide unemployment while being a reasonably good indicator of movements in the rate. While no assertion of absolute levels can be made the conclusion might be drawn that the equilibrium level of unemployment decreased from a higher interwar level down to a substantially lower postwar one. The paper then turns to the overarching question of the possible mainsprings of this development. The concept of the warranted wage - defined as total factor productivity growth divided by the labor share - have been used to explained the development of unemployment in the OECD from the 1970s. The theory pertains that movements in the bargained wage above or below the warranted wage will render movements in the equilibrium unemployment rate. This theoretical framework is used to analyze the Swedish inter- and early postwar experience. The warranted wage in the manufacturing sector and the whole economy is respectively estimated using historical national accounts and growth accounting. The development is then compared to the progress of real labor costs. The conclusion is that the 1920s experienced a negative growth in the warranted wage - and while real labor cost decreased during the period - wages were not cut enough in order to keep profits unchanged for firms. The opposite can be concluded for the succeeding 1930s and 1940s which instead saw a positive evolution of the warranted wage with real labor costs not growing at the same rate. The movements of real labor costs in relation to the warranted wage thus makes this factor a plausible candidate for explaining movements in the unemployment rate during the period understudy.