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Showing 1 to 9 of 9 (0.075 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"intractable conflict"" "subject:"untractable conflict""
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‘Traitors, Snitches, Collaborators’ : Analysing In-Group Criticism Towards Peace Organisations in Intractable ConflictHamidi Abd Abad, Marthe Hiev January 2019 (has links)
Identity serves two functions: it orders our environment, and it gives us a sense of certainty. The role played by identity in the intractability of conflict has recently sparked a new line of research. Drawing on insights from social psychological research, I argue that intractable conflict circumstances bolster social identities and create rigid group norms, which affect the vulnerability of peace movement organizations that operate in this context. I hypothesize that peace organizations that disregard prominent group beliefs regarding the conflict, are more likely to be severely criticized at the collective level. For the empirical analysis, I turn to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, a typical case of on-going intractable conflict. I compare the results of a qualitative content analysis of expressions of in-group criticism towards local Israeli peace organisations in local media reporting, within the framework of group beliefs (2005-2018). The results indicate an overall trend of in-group criticism towards peace organisations in Israel, based on which suggestions for advances to the theory are made.
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Peace Negotiations of Sri Lankan Conflict in 2000-2006 : The Ceasefire Agreement Facilitated by Norway is at StakeParamanathan, Mathivathana January 2007 (has links)
<p>The objective of the thesis is to study the Sri Lankan negotiation process during 2000-2006 sponsored by the Norwegian facilitation and further to analyse the major constraints hin-dering a final solution.</p><p>The stated purpose is analysed by studying both primary and secondary materials such as official documents, research and newspaper articles. One of the major findings of the thesis is that the Norwegian facilitation has not been very effective mainly due to both domestic and international political developments in recent years. In the case of domestic politics, the Sri Lankan political arena has a tradition of political crisis which is mainly a result of the two major Sinhalese parties fighting for power. These parties have been blocking any sus-tainable solution for Tamil demands while focusing on their political power.</p><p>Furthermore, international attitudes towards the warring parties are found to have had a huge impact on the Sri Lankan peace process during the studied period. Since one of the major constraints in the negotiation process appears to be that the Government of Sri Lanka seems to have adopted the international “realpolitik” on its domestic issue in the name of the war on terror. This political strategy may further inflate the already existing na-tionalism among the Sinhalese majority and the Tamil minority and thus may intensify the conflict.</p>
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An Examination of John Burton’s Method of Conflict Resolution and Its Applicability to the Israeli-Palestinian ConflictSteinmeyer, John Kenneth 09 February 2017 (has links)
This paper argues that the interactive problem-solving workshops created by political scientist John Burton and applied to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by social psychologist Herbert Kelman, while not, as yet, resulting in a just and permanent peace agreement, are effective in resolving intractable conflict, and, if persistently used, can significantly help to produce such an agreement. This is done by closely examining two books of Burton and a series of articles by Kelman to describe their process; the characteristics of intractable conflict are also reviewed from the work of social psychologist Daniel Bar-Tal. It is then argued that the psychological elements of intractable conflict and the satisfaction of basic human needs are addressed in the interactive problem-solving workshops, exactly what is needed in intractable conflict. It is also suggested that the many outsider recommendations for the resolution of this conflict will not work because they do nothing to address the psychological elements.
Recommendations are made to use the workshops to resolve disputes between the Hamas and Fatah political parties and various elements on the Israel side of the conflict; the top leaders of both sides of the conflict are also urged to participate in a workshop.
This paper also notes that a fully completed peace agreement already exists in the form of the Geneva Initiative, assembled by Israeli and Palestinian persons exhibiting the qualities promoted by the workshops.
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The Influence of Power Dynamics On the Israeli-Palestinian Ethos of ConflictTurkel, Bryan, 9842267 01 January 2015 (has links)
The study of intractable conflicts has risen in recent years particularly with the work of Daniel Bar-Tal’s work on the ethos of conflict. The ethos of conflict is an original psychological concept that captures the collective societal mindset of cultures locked in intractable conflicts and examines the various factors that keep groups in conflict or help them towards peace. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is arguably the most researched, publicized, and discussed intractable conflict in history. The purpose of this paper is to first examine the foundation of that intractable conflict through the lens of Bar-Tal’s theory and apply it once more how it has changed in the modern day. Particularly, this paper focuses on how the change in power structure in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has prioritized the different elements of the ethos of conflict differently for both sides. In the beginning of the conflict, both groups held equitable power that caused them to have similar manifestations of the ethos of conflict. Working with the foundation of Bar-Tal’s theory, this paper provides an analysis of how Israel’s rise to power in the conflict influences different prioritizations of the ethos of conflict for both parties.
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The journey from intergroup emnity to peaceful conflict handling : peacebuilding experiences of local NGOs in the former Yugoslavia : multiple approaches for undermining intergroup animosities and dealing with differencesSchaefer, Christoph Daniel January 2011 (has links)
Classical approaches to conflict resolution assume that inducing conflict parties to analyse conflict constellations precipitates that the disputants recognise mutually shared needs or interests. Partially in critical reaction towards this assumption, a more recently emerging approach envisages setting up a communicative framework within which the conflict parties are supposed to harmonise their conceptualisations of the conflict. This dissertation, in contrast, argues that work within the frameworks of these classes of approaches is impolitic as long as war-related hostilities stay intact, since conflict parties which see the existence of the adversary as the core of the problem are unlikely to engage in a process of open communication or open analysis, so that trustbuilding is a sine qua non. Practice experiences of local NGOs in the former Yugoslavia suggest that the following activities can be conducive to trustbuilding: 1) supporting exchanges on personalising information, so that the internal heterogeneity of the opponent's group is rendered visible; 2) bringing intergroup iii commonalities to the foreground, either through cooperation on shared aspirations, or by unearthing interpersonal overlaps e.g. common feelings, values, and war-related experiences; 3) undermining the imagination of the own side's moral superiority by fostering the recognition of crimes and suffering inflicted by the own side. For those cultural and religious differences which persist after basic trustbuilding, a contingency approach is proposed: 1) Fostering the exploration of commonalities and differences; 2) If disagreements remain despite a better basic understanding, tolerance of these difference can be based on a better understanding of the values' background, and on an acceptance of differing beliefs as equal in valence; 3) Supporting the discovery of joint values to raise awareness for options of cohabitation with differences; disagreements which cannot be solved might be continued within an accepted communicative framework based on these shared values.
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Peace Negotiations of Sri Lankan Conflict in 2000-2006 : The Ceasefire Agreement Facilitated by Norway is at StakeParamanathan, Mathivathana January 2007 (has links)
The objective of the thesis is to study the Sri Lankan negotiation process during 2000-2006 sponsored by the Norwegian facilitation and further to analyse the major constraints hin-dering a final solution. The stated purpose is analysed by studying both primary and secondary materials such as official documents, research and newspaper articles. One of the major findings of the thesis is that the Norwegian facilitation has not been very effective mainly due to both domestic and international political developments in recent years. In the case of domestic politics, the Sri Lankan political arena has a tradition of political crisis which is mainly a result of the two major Sinhalese parties fighting for power. These parties have been blocking any sus-tainable solution for Tamil demands while focusing on their political power. Furthermore, international attitudes towards the warring parties are found to have had a huge impact on the Sri Lankan peace process during the studied period. Since one of the major constraints in the negotiation process appears to be that the Government of Sri Lanka seems to have adopted the international “realpolitik” on its domestic issue in the name of the war on terror. This political strategy may further inflate the already existing na-tionalism among the Sinhalese majority and the Tamil minority and thus may intensify the conflict.
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The Journey from Intergroup Emnity to Peaceful Conflict Handling. Peacebuilding Experiences of local NGOs in the former Yugoslavia: Multiple Approaches for Undermining Intergroup Animosities and Dealing With Differences.Schaefer, Christoph Daniel January 2011 (has links)
Classical approaches to conflict resolution assume that inducing conflict parties to analyse conflict constellations precipitates that the disputants recognise mutually shared needs or interests. Partially in critical reaction towards this assumption, a more recently emerging approach envisages setting up a communicative framework within which the conflict parties are supposed to harmonise their conceptualisations of the conflict. This dissertation, in contrast, argues that work within the frameworks of these classes of approaches is impolitic as long as war-related hostilities stay intact, since conflict parties which see the existence of the adversary as the core of the problem are unlikely to engage in a process of open communication or open analysis, so that trustbuilding is a sine qua non. Practice experiences of local NGOs in the former Yugoslavia suggest that the following activities can be conducive to trustbuilding: 1) supporting exchanges on personalising information, so that the internal heterogeneity of the opponent¿s group is rendered visible; 2) bringing intergroup
iii
commonalities to the foreground, either through cooperation on shared aspirations, or by unearthing interpersonal overlaps e.g. common feelings, values, and war-related experiences; 3) undermining the imagination of the own side¿s moral superiority by fostering the recognition of crimes and suffering inflicted by the own side. For those cultural and religious differences which persist after basic trustbuilding, a contingency approach is proposed: 1) Fostering the exploration of commonalities and differences; 2) If disagreements remain despite a better basic understanding, tolerance of these difference can be based on a better understanding of the values¿ background, and on an acceptance of differing beliefs as equal in valence; 3) Supporting the discovery of joint values to raise awareness for options of cohabitation with differences; disagreements which cannot be solved might be continued within an accepted communicative framework based on these shared values.
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A Bridge to Peace : Strategic Sustainable Development as an approach to Conflict ResolutionBitterman, Michal, Lopez, Viviana, Wright, Fiona January 2007 (has links)
Abstract: This thesis argues that taking a strategic sustainable development (SSD) approach to conflict resolution in areas of the world in long-term intractable conflict with intermittent violence could support an effective process and lasting outcome. SSD proposes a holistic systems perspective and decision-making framework to address challenges and opportunities at the largest scale, including identifying root causes and drivers of the conflict as well as finding common ground internally and externally. The currently unbalanced dynamics between the two fundaments of sustainability, a robust ecosystem and social fabric, are the basis of deeply unsustainable patterns of behaviour which are often also at the heart of conflicts. Socio-ecological unsustainability can be both a threat, and an opportunity for resolution and social change. The framework offers a proven way of organizing, evaluating and using tools that can aid in dealing with sustainability issues constructively, and evidence is presented to suggest its usage can be extended to conflict issues. This thesis analyzes the links between sustainability, strategic sustainable development and conflict resolution work in the areas of conflict described, and proposes a set of guidelines for approaching conflict resolution with SSD.
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Horizontal Inequalities in the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict : Studying the Emergence of the Karabakh MovementSmbatyan, Hayk January 2022 (has links)
Ethnic contentions would barely arise at the drop of a hat. To understand the roots of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, known as one of the most intractable ethnopolitical conflicts in the South Caucasus region, it is crucial to trace back to the Karabakh movement, a civic uprising that mobilized ethnic Armenians around a struggle for independence. What advantages would self-determination allow, that would not be achievable elsewise? To address this puzzle, I conducted a qualitative single-case study, designed as a deductive process-tracing, aimed at answering the research question why does political mass mobilization emerge (when it can possibly not)? Building upon relevant literature suggesting that horizontal inequalities lead to civil war, this research tests the following hypothesis: Perceived horizontal inequalities between coexisting ethnic groups are what underlie the emergence and evolvement of political mass mobilization. The comparative analysis of 11 in-depth interviews with Karabakh movement participants from Stepanakert and Yerevan, combined with an extensive investigation of over 120 secondary materials, suggests that, as was observed in the case explored, relative deprivation fed by experienced horizontal inequalities is what underlies the emergence of mass political movements, demonstrating strong explanatory potential within the theory on horizontal inequality.
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