This dissertation is a study of Islamist ideas on and visions of the Islamic state. It begins with the observation that although a growing amount of research explores Islamism; few studies closely investigate Islamist ideas. The aim of this dissertation is to empirically and theoretically contribute to the understanding and interpretation of contemporary Islamism and its intellectual origins. Sayyid Qutb, Abu al-Ala al-Mawdudi and Ruhollah Khomeini are generally considered as sources of inspiration to Islamists currently active. Their ideas are analysed and compared to those of two Islamist parties; the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) in Pakistan and the Front Islamique du Salut (FIS) in Algeria. Islamism is part of a global religious resurgence that has taken many politicai and other social scientists by surprise. According to modernization and secularisation theories, such a resurgence was not to be expected. The focus in this study is therefore on the relationship between visions of the Islamic state and modernity. In this respect, two theoretical positions are critically assessed; one stating that we should understand Islamism in terms of a rejection of modernity and the other that Islamism can be understood and interpreted as an expression of there being multiple or alternative modernities. A key issue in this regard revolves around the question of how modernity is alternative and what that means. A content-oriented analysis of ideas — based on a social constructivist approach and anchored in practical hermeneutics - is utilized in the reconstruction and analysis of Islamist texts. A framework for analysis is developed in which dimensions of modernity are constructed. Islamist ideas on and visions of the Islamic state are analysed in terms of what is rejected, accepted or possibly added to these dimensions. The empirical contribution to research on Islamism is the content-oriented analysis of Islamist ideas. This analysis also helps to explore similarities and differences between the ideas of Qutb, Mawdudi and Khomeini and those of the JI and the FIS. The comparisons show that Islamist ideas are under evolution; there are important differences between the two contemporary parties and their sources of inspiration. Moreover, the content-oriented analysis reveals the complexity of the relationship between modernity and visions of the Islamic state. The theoretical contribution involves both theory-testing and theory-development. It is concluded that theories of multiple or alternative modernities, with some reservations, can be applied to Islamist ideas on and visions of the Islamic state. / digitalisering@umu

The aim of this thesis is to explore the stance of feminist movement towards a dialogue with Islamist women and the &lsquo / headscarf problem&rsquo / in Turkey in 2000s. This is done by examining three magazines which claim to contribute to feminist movement and women&rsquo / s studies in Turkey, namely Feminist YaklaSimlar, Kadin &Ccedil / aliSmalari Dergisi and Amargi, all of which have been started to be published in 2006. It tries to explain the way in which feminists framed the issue has changed since the 1980s and 1990s, when the feminist movement and the debates on headscarves were on the rise in Turkey. In order to understand the shift of feminist discourse(s) on the headscarf issue, it also tries to explain how the women&rsquo / s movement and women&rsquo / s status in Turkey have transformed since the 19th century, along with the debates on the headscarf.

Although terrorism is an area that has been the subject of much research, systematic searches in databases reveal that a focus on actors and movements that find their motivation in Christian beliefs, is, by and large, lacking. Ever since the 9/11 terrorist attack, Islamist terrorism has been the major focus. The purpose of this thesis is to describe and compare Christian and Islamist acts of terrorism. This will be done by using the terrorist attack of the self-proclaimed Christian crusader Anders Behring Breivik in Norway 2011 and compare it to the terrorist attack in Paris November 2015 claimed by the terrorist organisation Islamic State (IS). A content analysis is used to explore the material. The analysis is conducted with an analytical framework created from previous research on religious terrorism to explore the similarities and differences of religiously motivated terrorist acts. The study reveals that there are a lot of similarities between Breivik and the Paris attackers. Both Breivik and IS strived to change society with violence justified by their religion. In a type of “God´s executioner” fashion. A final conclusion in this thesis is that Breivik and IS share Ideological core ideas in the form of exclusivity, however, the exclusivity is expressed differently. Breivik´s exclusiveness is linked to ethnicity and skin colour, while IS´s exclusivity is solely linked to faith.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Les élites politiques syriennes (1946-1963) : Discours et pratiques.Cette recherche porte sur l’analyse du discours des élites politiques syriennes qui ont dominé la scène politique pendant la période 1946 – 1963, c'est-à-dire de l’indépendance jusqu’à l’arrivée au pouvoir du comité militaire du Ba`ath. Pour comprendre comment le discours s’est construit et comment il a été mis en pratique sur le terrain, nous avons classé les élites en trois catégories : libérale, militaire et émergentes (nationaliste, islamiste et communiste). Ces élites sont traitées aux niveaux politique et historique, mais aussi social, à partir de leur discours : sa formation, sa constitution et sa mise en œuvre. Nous nous sommes donc appuyés sur les documents produits par et sur les leaders : mémoires, discours, articles de presse, déclarations, statuts des partis…L'approche analytique comparative que nous avons choisie, basée sur les théories de Foucault, Bourdieu et Keller, nous a aidés à faire le lien entre le texte des discours et les contextes politiques, économiques, culturels et sociaux où ils étaient produits. Notre approche méthodologique nous a permis d'étudier l'histoire et les mécanismes de la formation des élites, les « acteurs sociaux », d'analyser les discours et de les comparer au niveau des concepts, des slogans et des pratiques. Nous avons observé que si le discours des élites politiques syriennes se voulait attaché à la modernité (société et État), leurs pratiques politiques demeuraient fortement influencées par leurs formations socio-culturelles, locales, idéologiques et par les conditions de la lutte pour le pouvoir à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur de la Syrie. Ce discours fut « élitiste », notamment en ce qu’il incarnait les intérêts de la bourgeoisie et utilisé pour dissimuler la différence entre la théorie et la pratique. L’étude de cette période de l'histoire de la Syrie éclaire l’évolution de la situation du pays après ‎le ‎Printemps arabe de 2011. Elle aide ainsi à comprendre la réalité actuelle et contribue à répondre à certaines questions d’aujourd'hui à propos du conflit en cours en Syrie. / This research focuses on the discourse of the Syrian political elite that dominated the political scene from 1946 to 1963, in other words, from Independence until the Ba`ath military committee came to power. To understand how this discourse has been built and how it has been put into practice, elites have been divided into three categories: Liberal, military and emergent (nationalist, islamist, and communist). These elites are viewed from a political and a historical perspective, as well as a social one based on their discourse: its creation, its constitution and its application. We therefore relied on documents produced by and about leaders, their memoirs, speeches, press articles, statements and parties’ legal statuses.This research utilizes comparative analytical approach. Based on the theories of Foucault, Bourdieu and Keller, which establishes a link between the text of the discourse and the political, economic and cultural contexts in which it has been produced. Moreover, the methodological approach allows one to study the history and the formation of the elites, the “social actors,” as well as, perform an analysis of discourses based on their different concepts, slogans and practices. This research showed that if the Syrian political elite’s discourse appears to be committed to modernity (society and State), their political practices remain strongly influenced by their socio-cultural, local and ideological constitution. It is also influenced by the requirements of the power struggle inside and outside of Syria. This discourse is “elitist” especially because it represents the interests of the upper class/bourgeoisie and further, it is used to conceal the difference between theory and practice. Studying this period of Syrian history creates an understanding of Syria’s evolution after the Arab Spring. It therefore helps in grasping the current situation and answering questions about the Syrian conflict.

A pesquisa proposta aqui tem como objeto de estudo o feminismo islâmico, movimento político-religioso de luta contra a opressão e a dominação sobre a população de mulheres, presente em países muçulmanos e em diásporas muçulmanas. Concebido aqui lato sensu como uma atuação feminista associada à reinterpretação das fontes religiosas do Islã, baseado nos conceitos islâmicos de ijtihad (interpretação racional das fontes religiosas) e de tafsir (comentários sobre o Alcorão), para repensar a posição da mulher na sociedade muçulmana. A hipótese que conduz a presente investigação é a de que o feminismo islâmico pode ser pensado a partir de três eixos constitutivos, interligados entre si: 1) a separação em duas vertentes, de um lado, um ativismo religioso, auto-definido como jihad de gênero, cujas reivindicações parecem sobrepor o Islã aos direitos das mulheres, e, de outro, um ativismo político, definido como defensor dos direitos humanos internacionais, cujas reivindicações são no sentido de aplicar ao Islã os direitos das mulheres; 2) a ideia de continuidade, no sentido de eliminar qualquer visão maniqueísta sobre as duas tendências, estabelecendo aqui um contínuo entre elas em que suas narrativas e atuações circulam de um extremo ao outro, de um lado dos extremos, aproximam-se de uma narrativa islamista e de, outro lado dos extremos, aproximamse de parâmetros discursivos do feminismo secular; e, 3) as forças em disputa, atualmente há três principais forças em disputa no âmbito dos movimentos sociais de mulheres em países muçulmanos e diásporas, considerando a realidade fora dos conflitos armados: os movimentos feministas seculares, o movimento islamista de mulheres (esses dois tipos de movimentos com origens nos anos 20, no Egito) e o feminismo islâmico (de origem, nos anos 80, desterritorializada e transnacional). Este estudo parte de dois pressupostos: primeiro, o de que os movimentos feministas em países muçulmanos não estão isolados do contexto internacional, os seus desenvolvimentos acompanham as tensões dos movimentos feministas internacionais, sendo expressões da internacionalização dos movimentos feministas seculares e, depois, de hibridações culturais e movimentos identitários pós-coloniais; e, segundo, o de que o feminismo islâmico, com as suas características específicas político-religiosas, tencionado entre o reformismo e o conservadorismo, é em sua essência um movimento relativista religioso, ao se dirigir exclusivamente às mulheres muçulmanas. Assim, o objetivo principal desta pesquisa é o de compreender quais as contribuições desse feminismo islâmico para a transformação da vida da mulher muçulmana, considerando duas questões centrais: a) como se pode compreender a relação do feminismo islâmico com os movimentos islamistas? e b) em que medida o caráter religioso do feminismo islâmico pode ser o limitador (ou extensor) de seu caráter feminista? Para tal, será feita uma abordagem dos seguintes recortes temáticos, que inicialmente parecem abarcar grande parte dos aspectos mais evidentes do objeto de estudo, na perspectiva proposta aqui: 1) o feminismo secular de origem ocidental e seus desdobramentos no mundo muçulmano, entre a secularização e a reislamização; 2) as afinidades passadas e presentes do feminismo islâmico com a ideologia, o movimento e o modelo islamista; e 3) o grau de persuasão em que o feminismo islâmico pode estar intervindo na consciência e na prática social, considerando suas contradições. / The subject of study of this paper, Islamic feminism, is a political-religious movement struggling against the oppression and domination of the population of women in Muslim countries and in Muslim diasporas. It is understood here, in the wider sense, as a feminist movement associated with the reinterpretation of the religious sources of Islam, based on the Islamic concepts of ijtihad (rational interpretation of religious sources) and tafsir (interpretations of the Koran), to rethink the position of women in Muslim society. The hypothesis underpinning the present study is that Islamic feminism can be thought of as having three interconnected constituent axes: 1) a separation in two distinct tendencies; on the one hand, religious activism, self-defined as a \"gender jihad\", whose grievances seem to superimpose Islam on women\'s rights, and, on the other hand, political activism, defined as defending international human rights, whose demands seek to apply Islam to women\'s rights; 2) the idea of continuity, in the sense of eliminating any Manichean view of the two aforementioned tendencies, establishing a continuum between the two in which their narratives and actions move from one extreme to the other; at one extreme, approaching an Islamist narrative and, at the other extreme, the discursive parameters of secular feminism; and 3) the forces in disputes; of which we can discern three current main forces in dispute within the social movements of women in Muslim countries and diasporas, taking into consideration the reality outside of the armed conflicts: Secular Feminist movements, the Islamist women\'s movement (these two movements have their origins in Egypt in the 1920s) and Islamic feminism (originating in the 1980s and characterized as de-territorialized and transnational). This study is based on two assumptions: first, that feminist movements in Muslim countries are not isolated from the international context, their developments accompany the struggles of the international feminist movements, being expressions of the internationalization of secular feminist movements and, later, of cultural hybridizations and post-colonial identity movements; and, second, that Islamic feminism, with its specific religious-political characteristics, exists in a state of tension between reformism and conservatism, and is essentially a relativistic religious movement, in that it is addressed exclusively to Muslim women. Thus, the main objective of this paper is to understand the role of Islamic feminism in the transformation of the lives of Muslim women, taking into consideration two central questions: a) how can we understand the relation between Islamic feminism and Islamist movements? and b) to what extent can the religious elements of Islamic feminism be the constraint (or expansion) of its feminist characteristics? To this end, we will address the following themes, which initially seem to cover a large part of the most obvious aspects of the object of study, within the perspective proposed here: 1) secular feminism of \"Western origin\" and its developments in the Muslim world, between secularization and re-Islamization; 2) the past and present affinities of Islamic feminism with Islamist ideology, the Islamist movement and its model; and (3) the degree of influence that Islamic feminism may have on social consciousness and practices, taking into account its contradictions.

Depuis la création des Sœurs Musulmanes, le chapitre féminin des Frères Musulmans en Égypte, le rôle que l’organisation a accordé aux femmes a changé plusieurs fois. Pendant certaines périodes, les militantes ont été inclues dans les activités politiques de l’organisation, alors que pendant d’autres périodes, elles étaient forcées de s’occuper de différentes activités d’aide sociale au près de la population. Ce mémoire essaie d’expliquer les raisons qui expliquent les différents changements dans le niveau d’inclusion ou d’exclusion des militantes dans les Frères Musulmans. Cette étude utilise trois périodes pour illustrer ces différents changements : 1952-1967 (inclusion), 1970-1984 (exclusion) and 1984-2005 (inclusion). Cette recherche conclue que, pendant des périodes où la survie des Frères Musulmans est remise en question, l’organisation sera forcée d’inclure les militantes dans leurs activités. Chaque changement dans l’inclusion des femmes est aussi marqué par un changement du contexte politique et des relations avec le gouvernement. Ces changements ne sont donc pas des produits de changement idéologique de l’organisation, mais plutôt causés par des raisons rationnelles. / Since the creation of the Muslim Sisters, the female chapter of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, the role that the organization gave women has been shifting. At times, female militants were included within the political activities of the organization, while during others; they were relegated to a role of care provider in various charity tasks. The thesis at hand attempts to explain the causes for those shifts in the level of inclusion and exclusion of female militants within the Muslim Brotherhood. For that purpose, this study will tackle three different periods: 1952-1967 (inclusion), 1970-1984 (exclusion) and 1984-2005 (inclusion). The research concludes that in periods where the survival of the Muslim Brotherhood is at risk, they will be forced to include female militants in their activities. Each change in the inclusion of women is also marked by a change in the political context and the relations with the government. Therefore these changes, rather than being ideological changes, are caused by rational concerns of the Muslim Brotherhood.

A pesquisa proposta aqui tem como objeto de estudo o feminismo islâmico, movimento político-religioso de luta contra a opressão e a dominação sobre a população de mulheres, presente em países muçulmanos e em diásporas muçulmanas. Concebido aqui lato sensu como uma atuação feminista associada à reinterpretação das fontes religiosas do Islã, baseado nos conceitos islâmicos de ijtihad (interpretação racional das fontes religiosas) e de tafsir (comentários sobre o Alcorão), para repensar a posição da mulher na sociedade muçulmana. A hipótese que conduz a presente investigação é a de que o feminismo islâmico pode ser pensado a partir de três eixos constitutivos, interligados entre si: 1) a separação em duas vertentes, de um lado, um ativismo religioso, auto-definido como jihad de gênero, cujas reivindicações parecem sobrepor o Islã aos direitos das mulheres, e, de outro, um ativismo político, definido como defensor dos direitos humanos internacionais, cujas reivindicações são no sentido de aplicar ao Islã os direitos das mulheres; 2) a ideia de continuidade, no sentido de eliminar qualquer visão maniqueísta sobre as duas tendências, estabelecendo aqui um contínuo entre elas em que suas narrativas e atuações circulam de um extremo ao outro, de um lado dos extremos, aproximam-se de uma narrativa islamista e de, outro lado dos extremos, aproximamse de parâmetros discursivos do feminismo secular; e, 3) as forças em disputa, atualmente há três principais forças em disputa no âmbito dos movimentos sociais de mulheres em países muçulmanos e diásporas, considerando a realidade fora dos conflitos armados: os movimentos feministas seculares, o movimento islamista de mulheres (esses dois tipos de movimentos com origens nos anos 20, no Egito) e o feminismo islâmico (de origem, nos anos 80, desterritorializada e transnacional). Este estudo parte de dois pressupostos: primeiro, o de que os movimentos feministas em países muçulmanos não estão isolados do contexto internacional, os seus desenvolvimentos acompanham as tensões dos movimentos feministas internacionais, sendo expressões da internacionalização dos movimentos feministas seculares e, depois, de hibridações culturais e movimentos identitários pós-coloniais; e, segundo, o de que o feminismo islâmico, com as suas características específicas político-religiosas, tencionado entre o reformismo e o conservadorismo, é em sua essência um movimento relativista religioso, ao se dirigir exclusivamente às mulheres muçulmanas. Assim, o objetivo principal desta pesquisa é o de compreender quais as contribuições desse feminismo islâmico para a transformação da vida da mulher muçulmana, considerando duas questões centrais: a) como se pode compreender a relação do feminismo islâmico com os movimentos islamistas? e b) em que medida o caráter religioso do feminismo islâmico pode ser o limitador (ou extensor) de seu caráter feminista? Para tal, será feita uma abordagem dos seguintes recortes temáticos, que inicialmente parecem abarcar grande parte dos aspectos mais evidentes do objeto de estudo, na perspectiva proposta aqui: 1) o feminismo secular de origem ocidental e seus desdobramentos no mundo muçulmano, entre a secularização e a reislamização; 2) as afinidades passadas e presentes do feminismo islâmico com a ideologia, o movimento e o modelo islamista; e 3) o grau de persuasão em que o feminismo islâmico pode estar intervindo na consciência e na prática social, considerando suas contradições. / The subject of study of this paper, Islamic feminism, is a political-religious movement struggling against the oppression and domination of the population of women in Muslim countries and in Muslim diasporas. It is understood here, in the wider sense, as a feminist movement associated with the reinterpretation of the religious sources of Islam, based on the Islamic concepts of ijtihad (rational interpretation of religious sources) and tafsir (interpretations of the Koran), to rethink the position of women in Muslim society. The hypothesis underpinning the present study is that Islamic feminism can be thought of as having three interconnected constituent axes: 1) a separation in two distinct tendencies; on the one hand, religious activism, self-defined as a \"gender jihad\", whose grievances seem to superimpose Islam on women\'s rights, and, on the other hand, political activism, defined as defending international human rights, whose demands seek to apply Islam to women\'s rights; 2) the idea of continuity, in the sense of eliminating any Manichean view of the two aforementioned tendencies, establishing a continuum between the two in which their narratives and actions move from one extreme to the other; at one extreme, approaching an Islamist narrative and, at the other extreme, the discursive parameters of secular feminism; and 3) the forces in disputes; of which we can discern three current main forces in dispute within the social movements of women in Muslim countries and diasporas, taking into consideration the reality outside of the armed conflicts: Secular Feminist movements, the Islamist women\'s movement (these two movements have their origins in Egypt in the 1920s) and Islamic feminism (originating in the 1980s and characterized as de-territorialized and transnational). This study is based on two assumptions: first, that feminist movements in Muslim countries are not isolated from the international context, their developments accompany the struggles of the international feminist movements, being expressions of the internationalization of secular feminist movements and, later, of cultural hybridizations and post-colonial identity movements; and, second, that Islamic feminism, with its specific religious-political characteristics, exists in a state of tension between reformism and conservatism, and is essentially a relativistic religious movement, in that it is addressed exclusively to Muslim women. Thus, the main objective of this paper is to understand the role of Islamic feminism in the transformation of the lives of Muslim women, taking into consideration two central questions: a) how can we understand the relation between Islamic feminism and Islamist movements? and b) to what extent can the religious elements of Islamic feminism be the constraint (or expansion) of its feminist characteristics? To this end, we will address the following themes, which initially seem to cover a large part of the most obvious aspects of the object of study, within the perspective proposed here: 1) secular feminism of \"Western origin\" and its developments in the Muslim world, between secularization and re-Islamization; 2) the past and present affinities of Islamic feminism with Islamist ideology, the Islamist movement and its model; and (3) the degree of influence that Islamic feminism may have on social consciousness and practices, taking into account its contradictions.

Excerpt: Boaz Ganor’s Global Alert: The Rationality of Modern Islamist Terrorism and the Challenge to the Liberal Democratic Order provides in its eleven brief chapters an analysis of and prescription for liberal democratic vulnerabilities to present-day Islamist-inspired terrorism.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal