Global ETD Search

31	A Systems Understanding of Terrorism with Implications for Policy Mendelson, Miriam E. 12 May 2008 (has links) No description available. International Relations Political Science Public Administration Social Psychology Sociology Terrorism Radicalism Extremism Fundamentalism Islamic Islam Muslim Islamist, Islamism Middle East Counter-Terrorism
32	Islam Hadhari: An Ideological Discourse Analysis of Selected Speeches by UMNO President and Malaysia Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi Yahaya, Azlan R. 18 April 2012 (has links) No description available. Asian Studies Ethnic Studies Islamic Studies Linguistics Mass Communications Mass Media Rhetoric Social Research South Asian Studies Islam Hadhari Malay identity Abdullah Ahmad Badawi ideological discourse analysis critical discourse analysis Malaysia UMNO Malay ideology Malay-Muslim dialectic Islamist Malayness Malayness as civilization Malay Islamist state
33	Les relations américano-saoudiennes à l’épreuve des attaques du 11 septembre 2001 / The American-Saudi Relations Proof Against September 9, 2001 attacks Kajja, Kamal 30 September 2014 (has links) La rencontre historique entre Abdul Aziz Ibn Saoud et le président américain Franklin D. Roosevelt à bord de l’U.S.S Quincy en mer rouge en février 1945, donna lieu à l’instauration des fondements d’une véritable alliance à long terme, basée sur des intérêts communs très forts entre l’Arabie Saoudite et les Etats-Unis. Le royaume a joué d’ailleurs un rôle important dans l’endiguement du nationalisme arabe et dans l’empêchement de toute pénétration soviétique au Moyen-Orient. Il a joué également un rôle central dans l’endiguement de la révolution islamique iranienne de Khomeiny. Cette alliance va mettre cependant du temps pour atteindre le degré au quelle elle est arrivée lors de la guerre du Golfe de 1990-1991, qui a eu comme résultat une présence militaire américaine permanente sur le sol saoudien et la radicalisation de l’opposition islamiste. Les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, qui ont constitué un véritable choc pour les deux pays, provoquèrent un profond malaise dans les relations américano-saoudiennes. Riyad s’est trouvée dans une situation délicate, quinze des dix neuf pirates de l’air étaient Saoudiens ainsi que le chef d’al-Qaida, Oussama Ben Laden. On assista à une détérioration des relations entre les deux pays et une grande suspicion qui eut du mal à se dissiper, malgré les déclarations de bonne volonté des dirigeants des deux pays. Soumise à d’énormes pressions américaines, l’Arabie Saoudite lança une série de réformes en vue de rassurer Washington et faire face également à une situation très compliquée sur le plan interne (problèmes socio-économiques, le rôle de l’institution religieuse wahhabite, l’extrémisme religieux, droits de la minorité chiite, la question de succession…). Le réchauffement constaté dans les relations entre les deux pays à partir de 2003, qui culmina avec l’instauration du « dialogue stratégique » en 2005, laissa rapidement place à une graduelle prise de distance entre Riyad et Washington à propos de plusieurs dossiers régionaux (la situation en Irak, les ambitions régionales ainsi que le programme nucléaire et balistique de l’Iran, le processus de paix, la Syrie…). Cette prise de distance s’est confirmée avec l’éclatement du «printemps arabe » et le lancement par les Etats-Unis d’une nouvelle stratégie, axée sur un désengagement de la puissance américaine vers la zone du Pacifique. / The Historical meeting between Adul Aziz Ibn Saoud and the US President, Franklin D. Roosevelt on bord of U.S.S Quincy in the Red Sea at February, 1945, had set up a real long standing Alliance based on a strong common Interests between Saudi Arabia and the United States. It will take a time for this Alliance to be at the level it had during the Gulf War (1990-1991), Wich had as result a permanent US Military presence in the Kingdom and the radicalization of Islamist Opposition. The 9/11 Attacks, which was a real Choc for the two Countries and provocated an Embarassment in the US- Saudi relations. Riyad was in a delicate situation, Fifteen of the Nineteen Hijackers of September 9, 11 was Saudis such as head of Al-Qaeda Oussama Ben Laden. We assisted then to a deterioration of the relations between the two Countries and a great Suspicion although some declarations of good Intentions by leaders of two Countries. Subject of a tremendous US pressures, the Saudi Arabia has inaugurated a series of Reforms to reassure Washington and to face a complicated internal situation (Socio-economic problems, the role of the Wahhabi religious Institution, religious Extremism, rights of Chia minority, the problem of succession). The warming of the relations between the two Countries by 2003 wich culminated with the instauration of « Strategic Dialogue » in 2005, made rapidly room to a gradual taken distance between Riyad and Washington about some Regional matters (Iraqi situation, the regional ambitions just as the Nuclear and Balistic program of Ira ; Peace Process ; Syria…). This taken distance is confirmed by the events of « Arab Spring » and the New American Strategy of disengagement to the Pacific Zone. Attentats du 11 septembre 2001 Guerre du Golfe Présence militaire permanente Radicalisation Opposition islamiste Oussama Ben Laden Pressions Réformes Abdul Aziz Ibn Saoud Alliance Gulf War Permanent US Military Presence Radicalization Islamist Opposition Septembre 9/11 Attacks Al-Qaeda
34	Failed Integration, Alienation and the Rise of Homegrown Violent Islamist Extremism in Sweden : An institutional framework for analyzing Sweden’s terrorism prevention policy and practice Eslahchi, Morteza January 2017 (has links) In this thesis, I try to analyze how Sweden prevents violent Islamist extremism. First, by using alienation and network theories I explain how various socio-economic factors create an alienating environment in which individuals who have inappropriate social network can move towards violent Islamist extremism. Second, by analyzing the policy and practice of preventive work with a focus on activities of the National Coordinator Against Violent Extremism I try to identify achievements and shortcomings in this area, and eventually suggest how preventive work in Sweden can be improved. Islamic State (IS) Terrorism Counter-terrorism Terrorism Prevention Violent Islamist Extremism Alienation Social Inclusion Sweden
35	The Securitization of Extremism Threats in the Swedish Government : What Actual Significance does the Alleged Identification and Classification of a Security Threat have for Swedish National Security? Marklund, Mathilda January 2022 (has links) The new phenomena of “school attacks” has emerged in Sweden since 2015. Between 2015 and today (2022), Sweden has been a subject of four “school attacks”, whereas three of these attacks have occurred within a period of seven months. In this thesis I aim to gain an in-depth insight about how “school attacks” are represented in the Swedish national strategy against violent extremism and further, to distinguish whether “school attacks” have been securitized in the national strategy. To study this, I will apply the securitization theory by Thierry Balzacq through the methodological framework of a WPR (What’s the problem represented to be?) discourse analysis on the material consisting of the Swedish national strategy against violent extremism from 2016. The findings suggest that there appears to be an undermining of right-wing extremism and exclusion of the loneactor of extremism in the strategy’s claims regarding what is the most prominent extremism-related threat to the State of Sweden and Swedish interests. Furthermore, I was able to distinguish that “school attacks” were not securitized in the Swedish national strategy against violent extremism. School attacks violence-promoting extremism Islamist extremism right-wing extremism left-wing extremism lone-actor of extremism. Skolskjutningar skolattacker våldsbejakande extremism våldsbejakande islamism högerextremism vänsterextremism ensamagerande våldsverkare Political Science Statsvetenskap
36	Jus Gentium & the Arab as Muselmänner: The “Islamist Winter” is the Pre-Emptive (Creative) Chaos of the “Arab Spring” Multiplying Necropolises / JUS GENTIUM & THE ARAB AS MUSELMÄNNER Al-Kassimi, Khaled January 2020 (has links) While the (re)conquest of Arabia as manifest in 2003 Iraq, and 2006 Lebanon, were respectively Act I and II accenting sovereign figures exercising necropower by adjudicating (il)legal doctrines (i.e., pre-emptive defense strategy) legalizing extrajudicial techniques of violence founded on discursive technologies of racism, I argue that the “Islamist Winter” – temporarily dubbed the “Arab Spring” in 2011 – is Act III reifying similar legal doctrines (i.e., Bethlehem Legal Principles) and a (secular) linear temporal perception of time seeking to implement a New Middle East (NME) that is no longer “resistant to Latin-European modernity” but amenable to such inclusive exclusion historicist telos. The importance of “creative anarchy” as a positivist legal technique in producing chaotic developments such as carnage and a “crisis” or “emergency” of displacement – with sovereign members of jus gentium authorizing agents of terror (i.e., death squads/war-machines) – is that it reveals the deadly technologies of racism and relations of enmity inherent in sovereignty as a positivist juridical concept endowing sovereign figures with the power to formulate legal doctrines that ultimately subjugate Arab life to the power of death (necropower). Therefore, one of the main questions orbiting the writing of this dissertation is interested in deconstructing and critiquing jus gentium – by adopting a Third World Approach to International Law (TWAIL) in tandem with necropolitics and biopolitics as paradigms of analysis – to disclose that it is because jus gentium valorizes positivist jurisprudent scholastics postulating an unbridgeable cultural gap between an Athenian mode of Being as a universal sovereign subject, and a Madīnian mode of Being as the particular object denied sovereignty, that leads ratiocinative sovereign figures to legally exercise necropower on the Arab body. Therefore, the following chapters seek to go beyond the limited (post-colonial) idea asserting that the problem with international law is that it is primarily “Eurocentric” since the simple solution to such a claim would be to include the non-European body in International Law. Rather, the primary question constellating this monograph is: what are the experienced consequences of being temporally included and what are the experienced consequences of being temporally excluded from a legal regime (i.e., jus gentium) reifying a Latin-European philosophical theology universalizing a particular set of liberal-secular cultural mores as a “cultural benchmark” (i.e., purity-metric) in order to be-come imagined as temporally “inside” jus gentium? / Thesis / Doctor of Social Science Jus gentium International law Positivist jurisprudence Necropolitics Biopolitics Displacement Operation Timber sycamore Arab Spring Islamist Winter Constructive Chaos Homo Sacer/Musulmann Arab Philosophical Theology Latin-European Philosophical Theology
37	Droit et pratique de la convention sur l’élimination de toutes les formes de discrimination à l’égard des femmes de l’ONU de 1979 dans les pays de culture musulmane -l’Égypte, l’Arabie Saoudite et l’Iran- / The Law and Practice of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), adopted in 1979 by the UN, in countries with muslim culture- Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Iran- Ardehali, Golshid 12 September 2013 (has links) Mesurer l’impact des réserves Charia sur l’application des dispositions essentielles de la Convention sur l’élimination de toutes les formes de discrimination à l’égard des femmes (la CEDEF) est l’élément principal de cette étude. À cette fin, le statut juridique de la Femme est examiné, à la lumière des dispositions de la Convention, dans trois pays de culture musulmane (Egypte, Arabie Saoudite et Iran). La présente étude tend à démonter que le statut moindre de la Femme, dans les pays de culture musulmane, est la conséquence de la primauté de l’Islam, en tant que doctrine politico-religieuse, au sein des sociétés civiles. L’étude met l’accent sur l’antagonisme qui existe entre le droit international positif, de nature essentiellement séculaire, et le droit religieux, d’essence divine en vigueur dans la majorité des États de culture musulmane. Elle insiste également sur cette réalité persistante qui consiste, dans de nombreux pays, à nier l’application des droits humains aux femmes, au prétexte de leur incompatibilité avec la loi religieuse supérieure. C’est l’ambition de cette recherche que de proposer que, seule, une séparation nette, de la Religion et du Droit serait à même de garantir l’application universelle et uniforme du droit international de l’Homme et la Femme. / Measuring the impact of Sharia reservations on the application of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) is the principal subject of this paper. In this respect, the legal status of women is examined, in the light of the Convention (CEDAW), within three Muslim countries (Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Iran). The present study tries to demonstrate that the lesser status of Muslim women is the result of Islam’s primacy, as a politico-religious ideology, within civil societies. The paper emphasizes on the existing irreconcilable conflict between, the international positive law, essentially of secular nature, and the religious law, mainly of divine nature. This paper also advocates that the persistent denial of basic human rights of women in Muslim countries is mainly due to the incompatibility of those rights with imposed religious norms (sharia law). In it’s ambition this study aims to prove that only a strict separation between law and religion could guarantee the universal application of human rights of men and women. Femme Droits de l’Homme Égalité Discrimination Droit Convention Droit International Réserve Pays de culture musulmane Egypte Arabie saoudite Iran Religion Islam Islamiste Charia Pouvoir temporel Pouvoir spirituel Modernité Sécularisme Women Human Rights Equality Discrimination Law Convention International Law Reservation Countries with Islamic culture Egypt Saudi Arabia Iran Religion Islam Islamist Sharia Temporal Authority Spiritual Authority Modernity Secularism 341
38	Der Stand der Demokratisierung und der Herausbildung einer Zivilgesellschaft in Ägypten am Beispiel des Diskurses über die autochthone christliche Minderheit der Kopten Macêdo, Martina Bolz de Jesus 19 October 2009 (has links) Die Meinungen über die Chancen einer Demokratisierung im Nahen und Mittleren Osten sind geteilt. Diese Arbeit versucht für Ägypten eine Einschätzung zu geben. Als bevölkerungsreichstes und eines der politisch bedeutsamsten Länder der Region könnte es eine Vorbildfunktion einnehmen. Die Dissertation untersucht an einem Fallbeispiel, den Ausschreitungen zwischen Muslimen und Christen in einem oberägyptischen Dorf 1999/ 2000, in welcher Form und in welchem Ausmaß sich staatliche Akteure, religiöse Institutionen und die Bürger zum heiklen Thema der Gefährdung der Rechte von Minderheiten im öffentlichen Diskurs zu Wort melden und dabei das Kriterium des Pluralismus, im Sinne von Toleranz und Ablehnung von Gewalt, erfüllen. Pessimistische Stimmen versagen dem Nahen und Mittleren Osten insbesondere wegen der dort vorherrschenden Religion eine Reformierbarkeit der politischen Kultur und stigmatisieren den Islam als Demokratisierungshindernis. Diese Arbeit beobachtet jedoch, dass es empirisch bereits einige Merkmale gibt, die auf eine Zunahme von Pluralismus in der ägyptischen Gesellschaft hindeuten. Sie zeigt die Anzeichen für die Herausbildung einer freien Öffentlichkeit und einer Zivilgesellschaft auf, die langfristig auf die Konsolidierung von Demokratie und nicht auf deren Zerstörung hinarbeitet. Gleichzeitig ist diese Arbeit eine Art in Szene gesetztes, lebendiges „Who is who?“ der gegenwärtigen Minderheiten- und Menschenrechtsbewegung in Ägypten. 1 / The current status of democratization and civil society development in Egypt through the example of the discourse on the indigenous Christian minority of the Copts. Opinions regarding the chances of democratization in the Middle East are divided. The thesis attempts to give an evaluation in the case of Egypt. As the most populous and one of the politically most influencing countries of that region Egypt could take the function of a role model. The dissertation investigates, on the basis of a case study – the clashes between Muslims and Christians in an Upper Egyptian village in 1999/ 2000 - in what form and to what extent state actors, religious institutions and citizens take a stand in public discourse on the sensitive issue of endangering the rights of minorities and thereby meet the criteria of pluralism in the sense of tolerance and rejection of violence. Pessimistic voices deny the Middle East a reformability of its political culture particularly with regard to the predominating religion there and stigmatize Islam as an obstacle to democratization. This study however, shows empirically that there are already some indications that point towards an increase of pluralism in Egyptian society and towards the development of a free public sphere and a civil society that in the long term can lead to the consolidation of democracy and not to its destruction. At the same time this study is a kind of status report and “Who’s who?” of the current minority – and human rights movement in Egypt. Demokratie Ägypten Toleranz Transformation Islam Demokratisierung Menschenrechte Minderheiten Öffentlichkeit Zivilgesellschaft Nicht-Staatliche Akteure in Ägypten Politisches System Ägyptens Ägyptische Regierung Ägyptische Presse Ägyptische Parteien Ägyptische Religiöse Institutionen Islamismus Islamistische Gruppen Islamistische Organisationen Christliche Organisationen Christliche Verbände Islamische Organisationen Islamische Verbände Diskurs Christen Kopten Kirche und Staat Diaspora-Kopten Religion Pluralismus NGO NRO Nichtregierungsorganisationen Konfessionalismus Diskriminierung Ägyptens Nationale Einheit Interkonfessionelle Ausschreitungen Interkonfessionelle Konflikte Zusammenstöße in al-Kosheh 1999 / 2000 al-Kosheh al-Kosh al-Kuã… Democracy Egypt Transformation Islam NGO Democratization Civil Society Egyptian Non-State Actors Egyptian Political System Egyptian Government Egyptian Press Egyptian Parties Egyptian Religious Institutions Islamism Islamist Groups Islamist Organizations Christian Organizations Christian Associations Islamic Organizations Islamic Associations Discourse Christians Minorities Copts Church and State Diaspora Copts Religion Pluralism Tolerance Human Rights Non-Governmental Organization Public Sphere Sectarianism Discrimination Egypt’s National Unity Sectarian Strife Sectarian Conflicts Al-Kosheh Incidents 1999 / 2000 al-Kosheh al-Kosh al-Kuã… 14 Soziologie, Gesellschaft MS 9608 MI 12086 MI 12968 ddc:300

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