Ce travail étudie la réaction des grands partis de gouvernement face au développement d’un clivage entre Écologie et Productivisme dans les démocraties occidentales. Pour ce faire, il croise la théorie des clivages et les théories de la compétition sur enjeux. L’hypothèse centrale de ce travail voudrait que ces partis neutralisent le nouveau clivage, en refusant d’accorder leur attention aux enjeux qui le constituent, en les cadrant de manière générale et liée aux clivages historiques et en prenant des positions qui n’impliquent pas le conflit avec leurs adversaires. L’opérationnalisation empirique de cette recherche combine la comparaison et les méthodes mixtes. Elle permet de montrer que les grands partis de gouvernement s’avèrent pour l’essentiel incapables de mener à bien leur stratégie de neutralisation : l’attention accordée au thème environnemental dans leurs programmes s’est accrue et ils ont dû mettre en avant de nouveaux enjeux environnementaux. La seule manière à travers laquelle ces partis parviennent à neutraliser le nouveau clivage consiste à adopter des positions qui n’impliquent pas le conflit. Toutefois, plusieurs facteurs expliquent les variations des réactions partisanes : l’agenda de l’environnement, la gravité du problème écologique, le positionnement sur l’axe gauche-Droite et les divisions internes. D’autres éléments ont un effet limité : les conditions économiques, la position institutionnelle du parti et la menace posée par les concurrents écologistes. Que les facteurs sociaux et environnementaux aient plus d’influence que les facteurs propres à la compétition politique rend d’autant plus pertinente une approche centrée sur les clivages. / This thesis studies how mainstream parties have reacted to a new cleavage dividing Environmentalism and Productivism in advanced industrial democracies. To do so, it associates cleavage theory and issue competition theories. The central hypothesis of this research is that mainstream parties should neutralize the new cleavage, by granting little attention to the diverse environmental issues that form the new cleavage, by framing those issues in relation to the historical cleavages on which they are funded, and by taking positions that imply no direct conflict with their opponents. The research design rests on comparison and mixed methods. The study concludes that big governing parties mostly fail to follow their ideal strategy. Their attention to the environmental theme has grown considerably over the last four decades, and they have had to deal with numerous new environmental issues that have no connection to the old cleavages. The only way these parties have been able to prevent the expansion of conflict is by taking consensual positions on those issues. Yet, many factors explain variations in parties’ reactions: the environmental agenda in the media and in social movements, the severity of environmental degradation, the left-Right position of parties and internal divisions. Other variables have limited effect: the macroeconomic situation, incumbency, and, more surprisingly, the threat posed by green party challengers do not seem to affect big governing parties’ politicization of the environment. The fact that social and environmental factors matter more than explanations based on party competition’s internal dynamics upholds a cleavage-Based approach.

The Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) was among the first legislative responses to the financial and mortgage crises of 2008 and allowed the U.S. government to alleviate distressed financial institutions of equity and assets that were straining the housing and financial markets. However, the underlying economic events that precipitated the legislative intervention, including rising foreclosure rates in specific states, had been disproportionately affecting Americans months before the bill was signed into law. The purpose of this dissertation was to determine the parameters of the issue public that was supportive of TARP by studying how demographic and geographic disparities of the recession were related to selective exposure to news media and the formation of this issue public. The news effects theoretical perspectives of agenda setting and media priming, including attribute agenda setting and attribute priming, along with the theoretical framework of the public opinion concept of issue publics, particularly state-specific issue publics, guided and informed the execution of this research. This dissertation entailed two research approaches: a content analysis of national television news six months prior to and up until the passage of TARP in early October 2008, and a secondary analysis of select data from the 2008 National Annenberg Election Survey, a rolling cross-sectional phone survey conducted from late 2007 until Election Day 2008. Results from the content analysis study suggest national television news of the economy in 2008 predominantly covered the presidential election, the economic attributes of taxes and inflation, and presented the economic crisis as a national issue. As for the public opinion study, economic attitudes were predictive of support for TARP, but exposure to the news and demographics, including geography, were not associated with support for TARP. Overall, the unfolding recession was not frequently covered on national television news in 2008, and support for TARP was found to be associated with an individual's attitudes as opposed to demographic identity or geographic location. Findings suggest attribute agenda-setting effects were most likely for individual views of blame for the crisis, while the issue public that was supportive of TARP appeared to be based upon economic attitudes.

This thesis examines how Chang-rae Lee's A Gesture Life (1999) represents the issues of war crimes. Writing the comfort women issue, Lee handles the bitter history of the Second World War in a postmodernist way. Against the modernist perspective on war history that draws on a simple and moral conclusion, Lee's writing underscores the function of narrative and the influence of trauma in the representation of the war crime. It offers a literary approach to the issue that complicates the role of the perpetrator and the victim, thus distances itself from the common understanding of war crimes. I argue this literary representation of the history of war crimes could be more powerful than historical writings, because it will ultimately challenge the concept of war itself.

Thesis (M.Ed.)--University of Hong Kong, 1990. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 147-153). Also available in print.

Thesis (M.Ed.)--University of Hong Kong, 1990. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 113-119). Also available in print.

<p>Syftet med uppsatsen är att utreda vilka förutsättningar som ligger till grund för att företag ska välja att bära kostnaden för användandet av en garant i samband med en nyemission. Genom en kvantitativ och en kvalitativ studie utreds när företag använder garanter, hur garantiåtagandet utformas och vilka kostnader och effekter detta leder till.</p><p>Till den kvantitativa studien som baseras på utförda företrädesemissioner under perioden 2005-2009 ställs två hypoteser rörande när garanter används. Resultatet av den första hypotesen visar inget tydligt samband mellan användandet av garanter och motivet att tillföra rörelsekapital. Testet av hypotes två som söker ett samband mellan användandet av garanter och lågkonjunktur visade ett visst stöd för hypotesen. Efter storleksuppdelning visades ett starkt stöd för att större företag använder garanter mer vid både lågkonjunktur och för att få in rörelsekapital, medan samma studie inte ger något resultat för de mindre bolagen. Den kvalitativa studien som baseras på intervjuer med fyra värdepappersinstitut redogör för marknadens syn på garanter och används för att besvara hur garantiåtagandena utformas och vilka kostnader som följer av användandet. I spåren av finanskrisen som varit är det viktigt att garanter inte etableras som en norm vid nyemissioner där det automatiskt ses som negativt att inte använda ett garantiåtagande. Garanter fyller ett syfte men måste i varje fall tas i relation till företagets faktiska behov av dem.</p>

Syftet med uppsatsen är att utreda vilka förutsättningar som ligger till grund för att företag ska välja att bära kostnaden för användandet av en garant i samband med en nyemission. Genom en kvantitativ och en kvalitativ studie utreds när företag använder garanter, hur garantiåtagandet utformas och vilka kostnader och effekter detta leder till. Till den kvantitativa studien som baseras på utförda företrädesemissioner under perioden 2005-2009 ställs två hypoteser rörande när garanter används. Resultatet av den första hypotesen visar inget tydligt samband mellan användandet av garanter och motivet att tillföra rörelsekapital. Testet av hypotes två som söker ett samband mellan användandet av garanter och lågkonjunktur visade ett visst stöd för hypotesen. Efter storleksuppdelning visades ett starkt stöd för att större företag använder garanter mer vid både lågkonjunktur och för att få in rörelsekapital, medan samma studie inte ger något resultat för de mindre bolagen. Den kvalitativa studien som baseras på intervjuer med fyra värdepappersinstitut redogör för marknadens syn på garanter och används för att besvara hur garantiåtagandena utformas och vilka kostnader som följer av användandet. I spåren av finanskrisen som varit är det viktigt att garanter inte etableras som en norm vid nyemissioner där det automatiskt ses som negativt att inte använda ett garantiåtagande. Garanter fyller ett syfte men måste i varje fall tas i relation till företagets faktiska behov av dem.

This thesis explores the ways in which the legacy of colonialism continues to shape the material and non-material conditions of rural indigenous communities in Bangladesh. This research examines the complex confluence of power, politics, economics, and identities in rural Bangladesh; it explores the web of local, national, and global mechanisms that (re)create and maintain oppressive systems and structures. Adopting an anti-colonial discursive framework and a case study approach, this research incorporates data from semi-structured and informal, in-depth individual interviews, focus-group interviews, an observational journal, and a review of relevant literature to study a remote Santal village in the Rajshahi division of Bangladesh. This study focuses on the voices of the local people, their experiences and narratives, and analyzes the data within the wider contexts of history, politics, and culture. The anti-colonial discursive framework that guides this study acknowledges the material and intellectual agency of local people and the value of their knowledge and lived experiences; it contributes to understanding local history and culture and the saliency of local resistance to oppressive practices. The research findings reveal that colonial structures of oppression are perpetuated by the devaluation of indigenous peoples’ mother tongue, education, culture, and religion and by distancing them from the land that has belonged to them for centuries. The findings present a shift from the ritual-based, cultural matrix of the rural indigenous community and its tradition-oriented socio-political and education systems. Exclusionary policies and practices of the nation state and Christian aggression have fragmented the Santal community, devalued their collectivist mode of living, and alienated them from their traditional ways of life. The process of land alienation has perpetuated the colonial legacy of terra nullius and displaced the indigenous Santal community’s sense of belonging and its inherent connection to Mother Earth, the bongas , and the spirits of their ancestors. This dissertation suggests that there is urgent need for activism to resist colonial structures of oppression that continue to this day. This study contributes to literature on anti-colonial struggles across the globe and offers a framework for understanding other colonial and indigenous contexts.

This thesis explores the ways in which the legacy of colonialism continues to shape the material and non-material conditions of rural indigenous communities in Bangladesh. This research examines the complex confluence of power, politics, economics, and identities in rural Bangladesh; it explores the web of local, national, and global mechanisms that (re)create and maintain oppressive systems and structures. Adopting an anti-colonial discursive framework and a case study approach, this research incorporates data from semi-structured and informal, in-depth individual interviews, focus-group interviews, an observational journal, and a review of relevant literature to study a remote Santal village in the Rajshahi division of Bangladesh. This study focuses on the voices of the local people, their experiences and narratives, and analyzes the data within the wider contexts of history, politics, and culture. The anti-colonial discursive framework that guides this study acknowledges the material and intellectual agency of local people and the value of their knowledge and lived experiences; it contributes to understanding local history and culture and the saliency of local resistance to oppressive practices. The research findings reveal that colonial structures of oppression are perpetuated by the devaluation of indigenous peoples’ mother tongue, education, culture, and religion and by distancing them from the land that has belonged to them for centuries. The findings present a shift from the ritual-based, cultural matrix of the rural indigenous community and its tradition-oriented socio-political and education systems. Exclusionary policies and practices of the nation state and Christian aggression have fragmented the Santal community, devalued their collectivist mode of living, and alienated them from their traditional ways of life. The process of land alienation has perpetuated the colonial legacy of terra nullius and displaced the indigenous Santal community’s sense of belonging and its inherent connection to Mother Earth, the bongas , and the spirits of their ancestors. This dissertation suggests that there is urgent need for activism to resist colonial structures of oppression that continue to this day. This study contributes to literature on anti-colonial struggles across the globe and offers a framework for understanding other colonial and indigenous contexts.

This study begins with the observation that three similar states - Denmark, Norway and Sweden - have had different EC/EU policies, and that one of the foreign policy literature's most interesting approaches, domestic structures analysis, does not shed light on this variation. The goal of the study is to develop an understanding of the different policies by analyzing the question of EC/EU membership using an approach in which issue area, defined in terms of both substance and impact, is linked to policy process and policy choice. Substantive issue area is studied by analyzing parliamentary debates in the three countries. An issue area typology with four substantive categories - economic, political/ policy, international/security, and other — is used to classify arguments made in the debates. The analysis shows that the question was an economic and political issue in Denmark, Norway and Sweden in the 1990s. It was a security issue in Sweden in the 1960s and 1970s. It is argued that this variation helps explain variation in EC/EU policy. In particular, the findings support the argument that the importance of the substantive definition of the EC/EU question is related to the coalitional possibilities it creates. The size of the coalition has, in turn, an impact on policy process and outcome. When the coalitions are large, the process moves more quickly, and parliaments and political parties tend to be consulted or informed rather than active participants. The question of EC/EU membership is also analyzed using an impact typology in which questions are classified as generating one of three types of conflict: none, managed and unmanaged. The EC/EU membership question is classified on the basis of public opinion data and conflict or agreement within political parties. The analysis shows that there were three cases in which the EC/EU question created managed conflict: Denmark and Sweden in the 1960s and Sweden in the 1970s. In other cases, conflict was unmanaged. In an analysis of the importance of variation with regard to type of conflict, it is argued that the data support the hypothesis that the existence of unmanaged conflict is related to decisions to call referenda to decide the membership question. In the face of unmanaged conflict political elites were encouraged to give authority for decision making over to voters. This was, in turn, linked to the emergence of ad hoc organizations dedicated to influencing public opinion for or against membership. This study suggests that the issue areas approach can offer important contributions to the analysis of foreign policy. A challenge for future research is to analyze how issue areas and domestic structure interact to generate policy process and outcome. Central questions should include the relative importance of the two and analyses of the conditions under which one or the other is likely to dominate. / digitalisering@umu