This thesis examines the reception of Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian War in US foreign policy debates since the end of the Cold War. It begins with a background survey of Thucydides’ use in foreign policy debates up to and during the Cold War, primarily by the realist school of international relations, and the comparisons which were drawn between the Cold War and the Peloponnesian War. After the Cold War, these comparisons became less relevant to current debates, and critics of realism began to use Thucydides to support their own theories. The emphasis is on how the three key movements since the Cold War, realism, liberal internationalism and neoconservatism, have each saw aspects in Thucydides’ writing to admire and utilise for their theories, at the same time building competing interpretations of key sections from Thucydides’ History. At the same time, as well as drawing abstract theories from Thucydides, analysts have also drawn historical parallels between the present and the Peloponnesian War in a creative process which results in modern states playing different ancient roles depending upon the context. I show that Thucydides’ text lends itself particularly well to such recycling due to the author’s tendency to highlight complex tensions without providing explicit authorial ‘answers’.

Research work about European way of Russian separated enclave Kaliningrad, written by Sergey Naumkin. Table of contents: German ownership and germanisation. Associated membership with the EU. Republic or especial region in the structure of the Russian Federation. Independent State. Baltic Sea School, Humboldt University, Germany

This thesis contends that Oakeshott’s political philosophy contributes to constructivism in International Relations by identifying the moral foundations of international society and law. The epistemological basis of this contribution is a methodological holism that is defended through arguments developed within British Absolute idealism. The opposition between concrete and abstract concepts grounds a theory in which knowledge is conditional because it is constructed on certain assumptions or postulates. Philosophy identifies and interrogates the postulates, exposes their limited value and maintains the logical autonomy of the various forms of knowledge, from a universal point of view. The concepts of tradition and moral practice are central in Oakeshott’s political philosophy, and indicate a theory of normativity in which moral reasoning and political activity are a form of argumentative discourse constructed by starting from the assumptions shared within a certain community. In this light, Oakeshott is compared to the exponents of the English School and to constructivism because of his definition of an interpretative approach, in which world politics is a normative engagement and the role of theory is to consider its presuppositions as well as its universal meaning. Moreover, it is shown that he offers a comprehensive theory of the evolution of international society and of the role of war that is consistent with his broader political philosophy. The theory of ‘civil association’ is the ground for an understanding of international society as an association between states constituted by the recognition of moral constraints on the actions of states. These constraints are institutionalised in customary international law, which is understood as a moral practice. Therefore, international society is grounded on an evolving morality resulting from the historical conduct of states. As such, Oakeshott’s political philosophy provides an understanding of international relations that is distinct from both Realism and Universalism.

The end of the Cold War has brought both uncertainty and opportunity for states interested in designing their own security policies. Alternative methods, other than military solutions, should be exploited to prevent insecurity and instability. This study is concerned with South Korea's security approach towards North Korea in the post-Cold War era and in particular how South Korea can use non-military tools to prevent military conflict in the Korean Peninsula and to build mutual confidence between the two Koreas in the long-run. This thesis also presents an analysis of both the need and the opportunity for South Korea to adopt a comprehensive economic engagement strategy towards North Korea in the post-Cold War era in order to achieve these goals. It argues that South Korea's implementation of economic engagement with North Korea requires its policy-makers' strong policy-making will for an active and consistent engagement posture. Then, this study demonstrates the important role of President Kim Dae-jung's strong causal beliefs about the necessity of engagement measures to address the post-Cold War North Korean security problems on the Kim Dae-jung government's policy-making in favour of comprehensive engagement with North Korea. This study presents the model of 'business-track diplomacy' to test a state's utilisation of economic engagement strategy as security policy. This model provides ways to think around security issues and alternative security options which go beyond the traditional military containment approach to security in international relations (IR). Moreover, this study presents a new belief perspective that illuminates the South Korea's North Korea policy-making process, which had previously been dominated by military issues and essentially required an international structure perspective, centred on US influence. Thus, the belief approach contributes to the field of foreign policy analysis (FPA) for South Korea by proving the importance of its decision-makers' policy beliefs and by going beyond the conventional international structure approach.

Theorising about international relations has progressed in recent years, and dialogue between the concurrent disciplines of International Relations, political theory and international law has started to emerge. There is, however, work still to be done in fostering a genuine ‘International Theory’ containing the potential to truly transcend arbitrary disciplinary and methodological boundaries, particularly where the subject matter of the respective disciplines – namely, an inquiry into the means by which a true understanding of the nature and conditions of international relations may be realised – is trans-disciplinary in nature. My thesis seeks to reanalyse the poststructuralist critique of the discipline of International Relations from a contemporary perspective, made possible by the trans-disciplinary progress alluded to above. I choose poststructuralism as a means of considering the most radical attack on the foundations and methodological commitments of traditional IR as I believe the responses which originated from within the discipline – social constructivism in particular – did not go far enough in grounding a robust yet legitimate means by which to construct an understanding of international relations capable of transcending the challenge of poststructuralism. I consider such positions and the constitutive theory of Mervyn Frost in detail before examining the potential of a theoretical amalgamation of the philosophical constructivism of John Rawls with a holistic social constructivist conception of the nature of practical reasoning with norms, as expounded by Friedrich Kratochwil, to ground a ‘completed’ account of normative reasoning capable of overcoming the poststructuralist critique. Finally, I defend the Rawlsian conception of reasonableness (through an analysis of the interpretation afforded such by Peri Roberts) from the charge of overdemandingness levelled at it by Catriona McKinnon. I conclude by claiming that the Rawlsian ideas of reasonableness and public reason can, when combined with Kratochwil’s conception of practical reason, ground a valid response to the challenge of poststructuralism.

State compliance with International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) arrest and surrender orders, Article 29(d) and (e) obligations, remains under explored in international criminal tribunal (ICT) scholarship despite the fact compliance with ICTY orders often proved not forthcoming from the states of the former Yugoslavia. This thesis will attempt to identiy causal phenomena behind compliance with ICT arrest and surrender orders through an exploration of compliance on the part of the diverse spectrum of states and non-state governing entities across the former Yugoslavia. Because International Relations (IR) scholarship identifies competing causal mechanisms to explain compliance and non-compliance outcomes, which range from a rationalist focus on material incentives and disincentives to norm-centric approaches, there will be an exploration of both ideational and material explanatory variables. Moreover, as mainstream neorealist and neoliberal institutionalist theories are unable to cope with entites where an autonomous state is not an ontological given, this thesis will be divided into two constituent parts. Part I will address the question of state compliance and include three case studies, Croatia, Serbia and Macedonia, while Part II will address the question of compliance in the context of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo, both of which do not conform to traditional models of the Westphalian state. This thesis will argue that the study of compliance is limited by the state centricity of international law and the rationalist failure to integrate ideational structures itno the study of compliance.

Neutralism - dissociation from the Cold War - can take many forms. As a doctrine it is to be found in its most comprehensive forms in Asia and Africa; and because its chief proponents are leaders of their countries, it is a profoundly pragmatic and eclectic doctrine. Yet it is deeply grounded in certain widespread hopes and fears, and is usually nourished by nationalism. Neutralist foreign policies are shaped by, and yet have come to shape, the style and scope of Cold War rivalries. Six forms of policy neutralism may be distinguished. These are: new state neutralism; pioneer neutralism; neutralization; buffer status; traditional neutrality; and erstwhile isolationism. Each of these types of policy represents different ways in which a state can become neutralist, and it is suggested how many- states fall into each of these classes. Nearly three quarters of the neutralist states in early 1961 are new states which have become independent since 1945* Many of them practise policies which are in some respects like those of three pioneer neutralists - India, Yugoslavia and Egypt. Since 1945 neutralism has been of growing significance internationally.

In one sense, the Palestinian problem dates back to early history when the Canaanites, Israelites and Philistines contended for the territory and its resources. However, the modern Palestine problem dates only from the Balfour Declaration in 1917, and yet has proved to be more deadly, with six wars if one includes the Gulf War, and more intractable, with attempts to create a state of Palestine for nearly three-quarters of a century. A recent attempt to solve the problem was the Egypt-Israel Peace Treaty of 1979. If that had been the only purpose of Presidents Carter and Sadat and Prime Minister Begin at Camp David and of the last two in signing the Treaty in Washington, their efforts could only be described as futile. But more was at stake: the ending of a state of war and the resolution of outstanding territorial claims. In that regard the `Camp David process' was successful - indeed successful to the extent that an issue not resolved during the process, the question of Taba, was amicably settled by Egypt and Israel through arbitration. This thesis seeks to analyse the `Camp David process' and the terms of the Treaty in an attempt to answer the question of how the state of war, equally important for Egypt and Israel, could be satisfactorily ended for both parties, how the territorial claims, equally important for both Israel and Egypt, could be resolved, when the issue of Palestine, the source of virtually all the present conflicts in the Middle East and essential for the Egyptians as part of the Arab nation, should remain unresolved, despite the provisions of the Camp David Accords and the Treaty.

This research considers the transfer and institutionalisation of a corporate governance practice to the Asia-Pacific subsidiaries and joint ventures of two UK listed MNEs. The practice under consideration is a risk based system of internal control (RBSIC) that follows the recommendations made in Internal Control: Guidance for Directors on the Combined Code more generally known as the Turnbull Report or guidelines. The main contributions are three-fold. They focus on corporate governance practices below board level; the transfer of corporate governance practices across international borders; and the role of managerial agency as a key influence over institutionalisation. Through the combination of semi-structured interviews, documentation provided by the companies and secondary sources including academic papers, books and news services two case studies were developed – one main case study, consisting of eight embedded case studies – Excelsior; and a supporting case study consisting of two embedded case studies – Landmark. Three key themes emerged: First, although the degree of institutionalisation of the RBSIC differed across cases, the overarching picture was one of ceremonial adoption that had been achieved without the relatively high level of implementation proposed by Kostova and Roth (2002). Secondly, the successful institutionalisation of the RBSIC resides primarily in the individual employees at the recipient business unit. However, the transfer is embedded inside a specific national context that to differing degrees, depending on the differences between the source of the RBSIC and the individual recipient business units, interacts with three practice-specific sub-variables – causal ambiguity, practice-specific absorptive capacity and motivation of the practice recipient. Thirdly, due to over reliance on the regional RBSIC team responsible for the institutionalisation of the practice, their role as gatekeeper, standing between the source of the knowledge (corporate headquarters) and the recipient (Asia-Pacific business units), was unexpectedly a barrier to the development and institutionalisation of the practice.

This dissertation explores the role of nationalism in shaping Japan’s relations with China. Although not discounting the significance of external-structural constraints, it aims to explicate “nationalism” as a domestic (power and ideational) variable, and its interactions with other determinants in re-defining Japanese external policy-orientation that affected the bilateral relationship, during the Koizumi administration (2001-2006). Interpreting from a neoclassical realist (NCR) perspective, it offers a theoretically informed examination about why, how, when, and the extent to which nationalism matters in Japan’s China policy. This is done by operationalising, and systematically assessing nationalism’s salience vis-à-vis other external-domestic dynamics (i.e. alliance commitment/resolve, economic interdependence, domestic political process/actors) that simultaneously affect Japanese state-elites’ policy decision-making. It also establishes whether these factors serve to exacerbate, or mitigate domestic nationalist impulses, and their corresponding impact on Japan’s China policy-options. Two nationalist-flavoured bilateral disputes – Yasukuni Shrine and East China Sea – are utilised as case-studies. This thesis argues that nationalism matters, albeit to a qualified extent. Taking a realistoriented, “middle-ground” position, it hypothesises that nationalism’s salience is dependent on state-elites’ perception/calculation of the conditions related to its interactions with the other aforementioned variables that concurrently influence foreign policy-making, during a given time period. It finds nationalism especially prevalent under perceptively sanguine external conditions, where an advantageous relative power position vis-à-vis China, fostered, in particular, by favourable US-Japan alliance resolve, tends to encourage assertive-nationalistic foreign policy-options, and vice-versa. Given the findings, it concludes that nationalism is an important, but not necessarily the primary driver of Japan’s China policy. Overall, this thesis makes a sustained theoretical contribution to our understanding of the international relations of Japan, and the utility of IR realism. Specifically, the hospitability of NCR to domestic-ideational theorising, can bridge mainstream IR and domestic/Areastudies approaches to advance a more holistic, albeit realist-oriented appreciation of nationalism in Japan’s relations with China.