Quando os missionários das religiões japonesas começaram a traduzir os textos religiosos para o português com a finalidade de propagar os seus ensinamentos entre os brasileiros, tradicionalmente católicos, perceberam que algumas de suas mensagens eram interpretadas de modo equivocado. Entretanto, os missionários perceberam que o equívoco não era causado por problemas lingüísticos, mas por diferenças entre a cultura do seu público-alvo e a sua. No presente trabalho, investigamos os problemas culturais encontrados na tradução dos textos religiosos japoneses, bem como as soluções encontradas pelos seus tradutores, analisando trechos dos seus textos sagrados. / When missionaries from Japanese religions first translated their religious text into Portuguese in order to propagate their faith among Brazilian people, who are traditionally Catholic, they realized that some of their religious messages were completely misunderstood by their prospective followers. However, the missionaries noticed that this problem was not caused by language matters but it lay in the existence of a cultural difference between Brazilian people and them. In the present work the cultural problems that stood in the translation of Japanese religious texts as well as the solutions found by their translators were studied by analyzing parts of the scriptures of three different Japanese religions.

Quando os missionários das religiões japonesas começaram a traduzir os textos religiosos para o português com a finalidade de propagar os seus ensinamentos entre os brasileiros, tradicionalmente católicos, perceberam que algumas de suas mensagens eram interpretadas de modo equivocado. Entretanto, os missionários perceberam que o equívoco não era causado por problemas lingüísticos, mas por diferenças entre a cultura do seu público-alvo e a sua. No presente trabalho, investigamos os problemas culturais encontrados na tradução dos textos religiosos japoneses, bem como as soluções encontradas pelos seus tradutores, analisando trechos dos seus textos sagrados. / When missionaries from Japanese religions first translated their religious text into Portuguese in order to propagate their faith among Brazilian people, who are traditionally Catholic, they realized that some of their religious messages were completely misunderstood by their prospective followers. However, the missionaries noticed that this problem was not caused by language matters but it lay in the existence of a cultural difference between Brazilian people and them. In the present work the cultural problems that stood in the translation of Japanese religious texts as well as the solutions found by their translators were studied by analyzing parts of the scriptures of three different Japanese religions.

<p>Den japanska nya religionen Ômoto grundades 1892 av DEGUTI Nao. 1922 och 1923 besökte tre Bahá'í-missionärer medgrundaren DEGUTI Onisaburô. Han tog stort intryck av hur de använde det internationella konstgjorda språket esperanto. Sedan dess stöder Ômoto tanken på att esperanto är det lämpligaste internationella språket, mycket lättare att lära än andra språk. Sedan 1923 lär sig många omotoister esperanto. </p><p>Under perioden 1925-1932 hade Ômoto en missionsstation i Paris. Några missionärer publicerade tidningen Oomoto Internacia och reste runt i Europa. De använde esperanto och försökte grunda lokala klubbar i Europa. Många europeiska esperantister blev intresserade av Ômoto, men enbart ett fåtal förstod verkligen dess budskap att Japan skulle ha en viktig roll i världen som en bro mellan det materiella västerlandet och det andliga österlandet. </p><p>Efter det att Ômoto utsatts för svåra förföljelser av de japanska myndigheterna 1935-1942, fortsatte Ômoto 1950 att undervisa i och att använda esperanto, men nu försöker inte Ômoto längre att sprida sin religion i världen, utan att ha ett gott inflytande, när man sprider sina heliga skrifter, utöver konst, använder esperanto och sprider idén om en världsfederation och om religionsdialog. Sedan 1997 publicerar Ômoto sina heliga skrifter på esperanto. </p><p>Maitreya (jap. Miroku) är ett viktigt begrepp i Ômotos mission. Fram till 1953 räknade man ofta med att DEGUTI Onisaburô var Maitreya; sedan 1954 talar man om den goda världen, Maitreya-världen.</p> / <p>The Japanese new religion Ômoto was founded in 1892 by DEGUTI Nao. In 1922 and 1923 three Bahá'á-missionaries visited the co-founder DEGUTI Onisaburô. He was very impressed by their use of the international artificial language Esperanto. After that Ômoto accepts the idea that Esperanto is the best international language, much easier to learn than other languages. From 1923 many ômotoists learn Esperanto.</p><p>During the period 1925-1932 Ômoto had a mission in Paris: A few mis-sionaries published the paper Oomoto Internacia and travelled around Europe. They used Esperanto and tried to found local clubs in Europe. Many European esperantists were interested in Ômoto, but only a few really under-stood its message that Japan had to have an important role in the world as a bridge between the materialist West and the spiritualist East.</p><p>After severe persecutions by the Japanese government in 1935-1942, Ômoto continued to teach and use Esperanto in 1950, but now Ômoto doesn’t try to spread the religion itself around the world, but instead it should have a good influence, when it spreads its sacred writings, promotes art, the use of Esperanto and the idea of a world federation and dialogue between religions. Since 1997 Ômoto publishes its sacred writings in Esperanto-translation.</p><p>Maitreya (jap. Miroku) is an important notion in the Ômoto-mission. Un-til 1953 DEGUTI Onisaburô, was often considered to be Maitreya; since 1954 one speaks about the good world, the Maitreya-world.</p>

Den japanska nya religionen Ômoto grundades 1892 av DEGUTI Nao. 1922 och 1923 besökte tre Bahá'í-missionärer medgrundaren DEGUTI Onisaburô. Han tog stort intryck av hur de använde det internationella konstgjorda språket esperanto. Sedan dess stöder Ômoto tanken på att esperanto är det lämpligaste internationella språket, mycket lättare att lära än andra språk. Sedan 1923 lär sig många omotoister esperanto. Under perioden 1925-1932 hade Ômoto en missionsstation i Paris. Några missionärer publicerade tidningen Oomoto Internacia och reste runt i Europa. De använde esperanto och försökte grunda lokala klubbar i Europa. Många europeiska esperantister blev intresserade av Ômoto, men enbart ett fåtal förstod verkligen dess budskap att Japan skulle ha en viktig roll i världen som en bro mellan det materiella västerlandet och det andliga österlandet. Efter det att Ômoto utsatts för svåra förföljelser av de japanska myndigheterna 1935-1942, fortsatte Ômoto 1950 att undervisa i och att använda esperanto, men nu försöker inte Ômoto längre att sprida sin religion i världen, utan att ha ett gott inflytande, när man sprider sina heliga skrifter, utöver konst, använder esperanto och sprider idén om en världsfederation och om religionsdialog. Sedan 1997 publicerar Ômoto sina heliga skrifter på esperanto. Maitreya (jap. Miroku) är ett viktigt begrepp i Ômotos mission. Fram till 1953 räknade man ofta med att DEGUTI Onisaburô var Maitreya; sedan 1954 talar man om den goda världen, Maitreya-världen. / The Japanese new religion Ômoto was founded in 1892 by DEGUTI Nao. In 1922 and 1923 three Bahá'á-missionaries visited the co-founder DEGUTI Onisaburô. He was very impressed by their use of the international artificial language Esperanto. After that Ômoto accepts the idea that Esperanto is the best international language, much easier to learn than other languages. From 1923 many ômotoists learn Esperanto. During the period 1925-1932 Ômoto had a mission in Paris: A few mis-sionaries published the paper Oomoto Internacia and travelled around Europe. They used Esperanto and tried to found local clubs in Europe. Many European esperantists were interested in Ômoto, but only a few really under-stood its message that Japan had to have an important role in the world as a bridge between the materialist West and the spiritualist East. After severe persecutions by the Japanese government in 1935-1942, Ômoto continued to teach and use Esperanto in 1950, but now Ômoto doesn’t try to spread the religion itself around the world, but instead it should have a good influence, when it spreads its sacred writings, promotes art, the use of Esperanto and the idea of a world federation and dialogue between religions. Since 1997 Ômoto publishes its sacred writings in Esperanto-translation. Maitreya (jap. Miroku) is an important notion in the Ômoto-mission. Un-til 1953 DEGUTI Onisaburô, was often considered to be Maitreya; since 1954 one speaks about the good world, the Maitreya-world.

Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-08-31T12:11:11Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - João Paulo de Paula Silveira - 2016.pdf: 4021226 bytes, checksum: 9853f639fdf0f84b8226ec432f17572d (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-08-31T12:13:33Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - João Paulo de Paula Silveira - 2016.pdf: 4021226 bytes, checksum: 9853f639fdf0f84b8226ec432f17572d (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-31T12:13:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - João Paulo de Paula Silveira - 2016.pdf: 4021226 bytes, checksum: 9853f639fdf0f84b8226ec432f17572d (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 1983-05-03 / From the assumption of the dialectical relationship between religion and modernity, we consider in this research the elements of the religious identity of the members of Seicho-no-Ie do Brasil in the city of Goiania. Operating in Brazil as universal religion since the 1960s, Seicho-no-Ie is one of the Japanese New Religions who has more evidence in Goiânia. Alongside other "religions of the true self" it set what we named as “circuit of religious psychotherapies ". We believe that the process of dilution of the taken for granted status of the traditional religious narratives and the weakening of institutional coercion devices promoted by the pluralization of life forms, both operated along modernity and radicalized in its late moment, created conditions for individuals to become the main validators of their religious experiences. Thus, the religious identity in question is the result of the multifaceted universe of contemporary times. Two striking features of the religious identity of the members of Seicho-no-Ie stood out throughout this research: the "spiritual empowerment" and "ecospirituality". Both express the way that modernity challenges the "religious imagination" of the subjects; on the one hand, the emphasis on the improvement of the "self" in order to reach a full life in this world, on the other the environmental concerns based on the feeling of inhabiting a common home. Both are intertwined and they are the main identity markers with which we deal with. / A partir do pressuposto da relação dialética entre religião e modernidade, busca-se compreender os elementos constituintes da identidade religiosa dos adeptos da Seicho-no-Ie do Brasil na cidade de Goiânia. Atuando no Brasil como religião de salvação universal desde a década de 1960, a Seicho-no-Ie é uma das novas religiões japonesas como maior evidência em Goiânia e ao lado de outras “religiões do eu verdadeiro” ela compõe o que nomeamos de “circuito de psicoterapias religiosas”. Entendemos que o processo de diluição da autoevidência das narrativas religiosas tradicionais e o enfraquecimento dos dispositivos de coação institucional promovidos pela pluralização das formas de vida, ambas operadas pela ao longo da modernidade e radicalizadas em sua fase tardia, criaram condições para que os indivíduos se tornem os principais validadores de suas experiências religiosas. Destarte, a identidade religiosa em questão é resultado do universo multifacetado característico da contemporaneidade. Dois traços da identidade religiosa dos adeptos da Seicho-no-Ie se destacaram ao longo dessa pesquisa: o “empoderamento espiritual” e a “ecoespiritualidade”. Ambos expressam a maneira que a modernidade interpela a “imaginação religiosa” dos sujeitos; de um lado, a ênfase no aprimoramento do “eu” com vistas à realização nesse mundo, do outro a preocupação ambiental baseada na sensação de habitar uma casa comum. Ambos se imbricam e constituem os principais marcadores identitários com o qual nos deparamos.

本論文的研究對象是台灣有些日治時期原本是天理教佈教所後來卻變成佛教(當地人所認為)的寺廟，其信仰型態和信徒的行為深受天理教影響，又與筆者在日本所觀察的天理教宗教實踐相當不同。透過深度訪談、參與觀察與文獻分析等方法，本文嘗試瞭解當地人的歷史經驗和緣於其自身宗教文化的詮釋。相關宗教實踐反映了天理教的社會背景、在台灣的傳教史和當地特有的宗教文化。這些實例的研究不僅呈現了一個新的層面—台灣漢人民間信仰和天理教的關係，也有助於台灣民間信仰的研究。 本文先首先指出十九世紀後半到二十世紀初期當時的天理教作為一個新興宗教，其發展受到日本明治政府宗教政策例如神道國教化所影響，在傳教和儀式上都受到政府的管制，在宗教組織方面則受到日本社會文化如傳統村落組織和「家制度(ie-seido)」的影響。並參考渡邊雅子的分類，指出天理教是「親子型」和「信徒萬人佈教師」型態的宗教，這種特質影響了日治時期天理教在台灣的傳教方法，是所謂「組織性傳教」和「單獨傳教」。本文指出傳教師個人傳教的解釋方式對於在異文化中傳教是非常重要的，由於「親子型」的傳教方式重視以信徒為傳教士，天理教本部在台灣缺乏正式的傳教方針和教義翻譯，此一狀況為日本傳教士對台灣本島信徒傳教過程中，提供了自由、寬鬆的解釋教義空間，以使用台灣當地的解釋，採取適合台灣人風俗的傳教方法。例如重視「神授(治病儀式)」、「神水(治病和保持平安)」等，因此避免了在異文化中傳教的衝突。此外也有以像父母和子女的關係來養成當地菁英的傳教方法，積極將信徒和其子女送到「原地」留學或拜領「神授方式之理」，這些當地人日後對教會的貢獻相當大。 本文也指出台灣的去殖民化與特有的後殖民狀況，造成在台灣戰後獨特的天理教變遷的型態。台灣齋教的齋堂真一堂不同於大陸佛教，對其他宗教較為寬容，能夠適合已經娶妻、吃葷的佈教所長們，因此提供了一個天理教和佛教融合的空間。例如：天理教西螺佈教所系統下信徒和佈教所整體到中國佛教會雲林縣支會辦公室的真一堂學習佛教的教義和儀式，使原本天理教的佈教所成為中國佛教會團體會員的寺廟，開始具有佛教的認同，但還是保留了天理教的要素。 另外，其用民間信仰的方式和佛教經典舉行天理教祖的聖誕儀式，反映了對神明的詮釋上的融合。例如日治時期用台灣漢人民間信仰中最高位的「天公」來比喻「天理大神」，替其供奉玉皇大帝的神像。祖靈神龕也隨著台灣民間風俗，變成「天理公媽牌位」。當地人並透過天理教祖的供品，生米和鹽跟其它供奉的神明區別，以意含其神明由來的特殊性。同時他們的寺廟名稱也表達與暗示了與天理教時期系統的連結。 最後，本文分析、比較明修堂法會、明道堂收驚儀式和天理教的神授儀式，探討儀式的變遷，指出私人建立寺廟的優點，如和信徒保持密切的關係，能夠對信徒提供非常貼心的服務。因此法會也有使用信徒各自準備的衣服舉行保持平安的儀式，收驚儀式用佛教經典舉行等，這些都是儀式為因應當地信徒的需求，以及與鄰接廟宇的競爭等相互影響所形成的。本文引用三尾裕子對中國宗教的說法，寺廟為了確保存續，必需要有理論上的武裝，所以民眾操作各種理論，必須重視菁英所有的文化和大眾所有的文化之間的相互作用。筆者將此一觀點與Lévi-Strauss提出的「bricolage」概念加以聯想，希望據以繼續發展未來相關的研究。 / According to the research of Fujii Takeshi, professor at Tokyo Gakugei University, there are 19 kinds of Japanese new religious organizations carrying out mission works in Taiwan now, and the earliest of them is Tenrikyo. Tenrikyo started their mission works during Japanese rule of Taiwan, and had acquired Taiwanese believers. Therefore, Tenrikyo is a very suitable example for the study of Japanese new religion’s development and changes in Taiwan. The object of this paper is the unique religious phenomena that is found during my study in Taiwan, the temple(natives call ‘miao’ in their language), namely the religious center of Taiwanese popular beliefs but used to be Tenrikyo’s branch in Japanese colonial period. This paper analyzes the syncretism of their religious ceremonies and beliefs, which have elements of both Chinese popular beliefs and Tenrikyo. It bases on qualitative interviews, participant observation and methods of textual analysis to make clear the historical and cultural contexts, changes of Japanese new religions there, to interpret their meanings and explicate causes of the transformations. This paper contains four chapters besides the introduction and conclusion. Its organization and summary are presented as follows. In chapter one, it explains teachings, the organization and history of Tenrikyo, focuses on the relations between god and human, influences of Japanese religious policy and the related socio-cultural system during the latter half of the nineteenth and early twentieth century. According to the classification proposed by Masako Watanbe, Tenrikyo is define as of “Vertical axis Parent-child model” and “Laity-focused propagation model”. This paper shows that one can find the same pattern working in missions in Taiwan. In chapter two it analyzes the methods of Tenrikyo’s mission work during the colonial period in Taiwan, especially the so-called “individual mission” and “organizational mission” and explains its manner of training for native elite believers. It also focuses on the intercultural processes in the mission work, which adapt to the differences between diverse cultural contexts and religious schemas, and the transformed interpretations of Tenrikyo’s doctrine and meanings of ceremony for Taiwanese native believers. Based on the analysis of historical materials and statistic records, characteristics of the development of Tenrikyo in the colonial period are presented as well. It finally presents accounts for some Toroku churches, which used to belong to Tenrikyo and have changed their identification in the postcolonial period after the World War II. In chapter three, this paper attempts to explain causes and the background of transformations of Tenrikyo beliefs and ceremony. One reason is due to the cultural policy of KMT government, and influences of the policy to Tenrikyo in Taiwan are analyzed. It also makes clear other related historical and cultural situation and context. For the adaptations under changes of the social and political situation, this paper especially draws attention to the unique process of decolonization in Taiwan. In chapter four, based on the author’s participant observation, it focuses on some religious practices in related temples and rituals, analyzes their transformations and provides interpretations of the changes and their meanings. With reference to the concept and schema about Chinese popular beliefs provided by previous Japanese scholars and the concept of ‘bricolage’ by Levi-Strauss, this paper’s contribution and interpretation will be able to lead the author for the research in the future. Despite many Japanese new religions implement their mission works in Taiwan, there is few research so far to mention it. This paper has introduced previous researches on it, and tries to point out the value and position of the study on Japanese new religions in Taiwan. Focusing especially on tasks and difficulties special for Japanese new religions, it actually has provided suggestions about prospects for anthropological study of Japanese new religion and Chinese popular beliefs in Taiwan.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:20:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edileia Mota Diniz.pdf: 1326755 bytes, checksum: 54aef30316ab5381b474629c5c2215be (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-03-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Japanese religions in Brazil, including Seicho-No-Ie, was directly linked to Japanese immigration, which began in 1908. These immigrants brought with them cosmologies and religious practices that were part of a rich and ancient cultural legacy. A variety of New Religious Movements had begun to appear in Japan primarily during the modernizing "Meiji Restoration" (1868-1912), including Oomoto, Tenrikyô, Soka Gakkai, the Messianic Church, and Seicho-No-Ie. In 1930, Masaharu Taniguchi (1893-1985) founded Seicho-No-Ie, a philosophical-religious movement whose name means "home of infinite progressing". Its doctrine is based in a series of revelations that Taniguchi claimed to have received from a Shinto divinity; it draws on Buddhist and Shinto traditions, later mixed with Christian concepts. The propagation of Taniguchi s teachings in a magazine led to Seicho-No-Ie s expansion, first in Japan and later in other parts of the world. Taniguchi was a prophetic and charismatic leader. He installed a peculiar system of symbolic domination that is amenable to analysis using the theories of Max Weber and Pierre Bourdieu. The institutionalization process took Taniguchi s family as idealized model and articulated a hybrid system of patriarchal, charismatic and bureaucratic domination, establishing an androcentric order initially inspired on the Japanese imperial tradition in which feminine roles are subordinate. This structure privileged the succession to leadership of Master Taniguchi s son-in-law, Seicho Arachi (who adopted his father-in-law s surname) and, years later, of the eldest grandson, Masanobu Taniguchi (first-born of Seicho and his wife, Emiko). In the early 1930s, Japanese immigrants to Brazil discovered Seicho-No-Ie, due in large part to reading a magazine edited in Japan by Taniguchi. However, the key factor in establishing Seicho-No-Ie in Brazil was the missionary work of two Japanese immigrants, brothers Daijiro and Miyoshi Matsuda. The Brazilian organization was officially recognized as a branch office of the Japanese headquarters on May 30, 1951. The initial growth of Seicho-No-Ie in Brazil was bounded by the ethnic and cultural limits of the Japanese community. It began to attract native-born Brazilians in the 1960s, as it sought to acculturate its doctrinal activities. This study describes Seicho-No-Ie s doctrinal and administrative structure in Brazil, presenting them as a reproduction of International Headquarters in Japan. It analyzes the religious discourse found in books and magazines, and, currently, in television programs. It argues that these media, along with the teachings of a select body of lecturers, were the primary means of reproducing Masaharu Taniguchi s legacy to his Japanese, Brazilian, and other followers. / A inserção das novas religiões japonesas no Brasil, entre elas a Seicho-No-Ie, está diretamente ligada à imigração japonesa, iniciada em 1908. Esses imigrantes trouxeram com eles cosmovisões e práticas religiosas, que faziam parte de um antigo e rico legado cultural. No Japão, o surgimento dessas novas religiões se deu, principalmente, em decorrência da Restauração Meiji (1868-1912), um período de modernização daquele país. Nessa época apareceram a Oomoto, Tenrikyô, Soka Gakkai, Igreja Messiânica Mundial e a Seicho-No-Ie. Masaharu Taniguchi (1893-1985) fundou a Seicho-No-Ie em 1930, um movimento filosófico-religioso, cujo nome significa lar do progredir infinito . A sua base doutrinária está fundamentada nas tradições budistas e xintoístas mescladas, posteriormente, com preceitos do cristianismo. O fato fundante dessa nova religião são as revelações que Taniguchi afirma ter recebido de uma divindade xintoísta. Foi, no entanto, a divulgação de seus ensinamentos, por meio de uma revista, que deu início à sua expansão no Japão e depois em várias partes do mundo. Taniguchi foi um líder profético e carismático, que instaurou um sistema de dominação simbólica peculiar, mas passível de ser analisada à luz das teorias de Max Weber e Pierre Bourdieu. O processo de institucionalização tomou a família Taniguchi como o modelo ideal, articulando-se a partir dela um sistema de dominação misto de patriarcal, carismático e burocrático. Assim se formou um legado, inicialmente inspirado na tradição imperial japonesa, em que o papel feminino está subordinado à ordem androcêntrica. Esse fator privilegiou a sucessão do Mestre Taniguchi por seu genro, Seicho Arachi, que adotou o sobrenome do sogro e, anos mais tarde, se reproduziu na ascensão do primogênito do casal Seicho e Emiko, Masanobu Taniguchi. No Brasil, os imigrantes japoneses, já no início dos anos 30, descobriram a Seicho-No-Ie, graças ao recebimento do mensário editado no Japão por Taniguchi. Foi, entretanto, o trabalho missionário dos irmãos Daijiro e Miyoshi Matsuda, imigrantes japoneses no Brasil, que a Seicho-No-Ie aqui se estabeleceu e se desenvolveu, obtendo o seu reconhecimento oficial como filial da sede japonesa, em 30/05/51. Inicialmente a Seicho-No-Ie se restringiu às fronteiras étnicas e culturais da colônia japonesa, porém, a partir de 1960, passou a atrair brasileiros, enquanto buscava aculturar as suas atividades doutrinárias. Busca-se neste estudo descrever a organização assumida no Brasil pela Seicho-No-Ie, a sua estrutura doutrinária e administrativa, apresentando-as como uma reprodução da Sede Internacional situada no Japão. Procuramos valorizar o discurso religioso da Seicho-No-Ie contido nos livros e revistas publicados, e atualmente, em programas de televisão. Acreditamos serem esses meios, ao lado dos ensinamentos transmitidos por um seleto corpo de preletores, as principais formas de reprodução desse legado que Masaharu Taniguchi deixou aos seus seguidores, japoneses, brasileiros e de outras nacionalidades.

Agonshû est une "nouvelle nouvelle religion" fondée en 1978 par Kiriyama Seiyû. Les enseignements soulignent le fait que toute la misère du monde est causée par les pollutions karmiques de nos ancêtres et que le goma (rite du feu) est la solution de Agonshû pour traiter cette souffrance sociale. Depuis la fin du 20e siècle, Agonshû a étendu ses activités à l'étranger pour promouvoir la paix mondiale en réalisant de nombreuses cérémonies du goma en dehors de l'archipel. Les évènements de la Seconde Guerre mondiale servent à déterminer le choix du lieu pour la cérémonie, comme le rite du goma organisé en 2009 à Guadalcanal ou encore la croisière qui a traversé l'Océan Pacifique en 2012, régions où de nombreux soldats japonais sont décédés. Au-delà du travail mémoriel, cette stratégie est également une manière d'obtenir du prestige et de l'autorité en dehors, mais surtout dans le Japon. Le nationalisme est au cœur de ces rituels. Pendant les entretiens, des membres ont insisté sur le fait que "seul le Japon et Agonshû peuvent accomplir la paix mondiale." Ces déclarations mettent en relief le double discours de Agonshû : d'un côté la promotion de l'universalisme parmi les êtres humains et de l'autre l'affirmation de la supériorité des religions japonaises. Pour Agonshû, le pacifisme est un nationalisme.Agonshû-Goma-Nouvelles religions japonaises-Bouddhisme-Ésotérisme-Sécularisme-Modernité-Souffrance sociale-Travail de mémoire / Agonshû is a Japanese 'New New Religion' founded in 1978 by Kiriyama Seiyû. The teachings point out that all of life’s problems and misfortunes are the result of spiritual and karmic hindrances and the goma (fire rite) is the religious response from Agonshû to cure social suffering. Since the end of the 20th century, Agonshû has extended its activities abroad to pray for World Peace, and performed numerous goma ceremonies outside Japan. The choice of the place of the ceremony is mostly lead by its importance during World War 2, like the Goma held at Guadalcanal in 2009 or in the Pacifics Ocean in 2012 where many Japanese soldiers had lost their lives. Beyond completing a Memory Work, this strategy is also a way to gain authority and prestige outside, but also inside Japan. Nationalism is on the core of these rituals. As followers told me during interviews about World Peace : "only Japan can accomplish this, only Agonshû". These kinds of affirmations stress the edge where Agonshû sits. On the one hand there is the promotion of universalism among human being and on the other hand the absolute superiority of the Japanese religions. In Agonshû’s discourse, pacifism forges nationalism.