Liu Ch'i, a belletrist of the Chin dynasty (1115-1234), recorded an eyewitness account of the fall of the Chin in his memoir, the Kuei-ch'ien-chih (The Record of One Returned to Obscurity). He was motivated by an inner logic which thematically argues that: The disintegration of effective Chin administration was a direct result of the deterioration of Chin literary standards, symptomatic of a more basic degeneration of the traditional Confucian high culture. The collapse of the Chin climaxed approximately three hundred years of rise and fall (c. 900-1234). As Jurchen tribal organization became inadequate, they imitated the Ch'i-tan model of a dualistic tribal-agrarian society and tended to adopt Chinese institutions. Dynamic decline seemed in direct proportion to the decline in Jurchen institutions. However, Liu Ch'i observed this decline and its climax in the fall of the Chin capital, K'aifeng, and thought that the Chin failed for not fully adopting Chinese ones. His memoir, Kuei-ch'ien-chih, was transmitted from its writing in 1235 to the present edition, the Chung-hua shu-chu Yuan-Ming shi-k'o pi-cho ts'ung-k'an, collated by Ts'ui Wen-yin (second edition 1983). Liu Ch'i illustrates his themes with Chin pesonalities portraying the union of ability-aspiration-achievement to mean the highest combination of traditional Confucian values. He quickly attentuates this theme in the succeeding chuan to show possible variations of failure in a descending taxonomy. In his seventh chuan, Liu Ch'i argues that since the Chin dynasty limited their literary focus of the civil service examinations solely upon the lyric, the prose-poem, and the commentary on the classics, the source of potential leadership, the chin-shih, became intellectually effete leasing to a degeneration in political dynamics. Liu Ch'i's personal rationalization was one of confident expectation despite an involvement in drafting a testimonial to Ts'ui Li, who had betrayed K'aifeng to the Mongols. He felt that time and circumstance were cyclical in nature and that he had fulfilled his destiny and his duty. Liu Ch'i's memoir warrants a closer examination in its entirety to appreciate its inner, thematic logic and a translation of the preface and first three chapters is presented as a preliminary to the full translation.

沈婷. / "2003年8月". / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2003. / 參考文獻(leaves 165-172). / 附中英文摘要. / "2003 nian 8 yue". / Shen Ting. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2003. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 165-172). / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / 目錄 --- p.i / Chapter 第一章 --- 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 東晉玄言詩槪述 --- p.3 / Chapter 第一節 --- 玄言詩的定義 --- p.3 / Chapter 第二節 --- 東晉玄言詩的分類 --- p.6 / Chapter 第三節 --- 東晉玄言詩的分期 --- p.6 / Chapter 第三章 --- 玄言詩的思想背景 --- p.9 / Chapter 第一節 --- 玄言詩的玄學背景 --- p.9 / Chapter (一) --- 玄學的槪念 --- p.9 / Chapter (二) --- 玄學的發展與玄言詩的盛行 --- p.11 / Chapter (三) --- 玄學的重要命題與玄言詩 --- p.13 / Chapter 1. --- 以無爲本 --- p.13 / Chapter 2. --- 言意之辨 --- p.15 / Chapter 3. --- 名教與自然 --- p.16 / Chapter 第二節 --- 玄言詩與佛學的關係 --- p.17 / Chapter (一) --- 玄佛合 流 --- p.19 / Chapter (二) --- 佛理對玄言詩的影 響 --- p.20 / Chapter 第三節 --- 玄言詩的清談背景 --- p.22 / Chapter (一) --- 清談的性質與內容 --- p.22 / Chapter (二) --- 清談對玄言詩的影響 --- p.23 / Chapter 1. --- 審美性質的清談一一玄言詩創作動力之一 --- p.23 / Chapter 2. --- 清談對玄言詩語言形式的影響 --- p.25 / Chapter 3. --- 清談對玄言詩聲律節奏的影響 --- p.27 / Chapter 第四章 --- 東晉玄言詩的藝術特色 --- p.29 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.29 / Chapter 第二節 --- 東晉玄言詩的篇章結構 --- p.30 / Chapter (一) --- 玄言詩的類別與篇章結構分析 --- p.31 / Chapter 1. --- 純粹說理的玄言詩 --- p.31 / Chapter 2. --- 理景交融的玄言詩 --- p.33 / Chapter 3. --- 情、景、理三者融合的玄言詩 --- p.35 / Chapter (二) --- 篇章結構與詩歌的形式美 --- p.36 / Chapter (三) --- 篇章結構與詩歌的情感表達方式 --- p.39 / Chapter 第三節 --- 東晉玄言詩的藝術手法 --- p.41 / Chapter (一) --- 遣詞用字 --- p.41 / Chapter 1. --- 玄學內容對遣詞用字的影響 --- p.42 / Chapter 2. --- 語言和辭采 --- p.44 / Chapter 3. --- 玄言詩中的虛字 --- p.47 / Chapter 3.1. --- 虛字的數量 --- p.48 / Chapter 3.2. --- 虛字對詩歌藝術特色的影響 --- p.50 / Chapter a. --- 虛字與意象的表現 --- p.50 / Chapter b --- .「以文爲詩」與虛字的關係 --- p.52 / Chapter c. --- 虛字與情感的表達 --- p.54 / Chapter d. --- 小結 --- p.56 / Chapter (二) --- 修辭手法 --- p.57 / Chapter 1. --- 比喻 --- p.57 / Chapter 1.1. --- 玄言詩中的比喻 --- p.57 / Chapter 1.2. --- 比喻手法與東晉玄言詩的藝術特色 --- p.58 / Chapter 2. --- 聲律節奏 --- p.61 / Chapter 2.1. --- 清談對聲律節奏的影響 --- p.61 / Chapter 2.2. --- 東晉玄言詩的聲律節奏 --- p.62 / Chapter 3. --- 玄言詩中的典故 --- p.66 / Chapter 第四節 --- 結語 --- p.68 / Chapter 第五章 --- 東晉玄言詩的淵源與發展 --- p.69 / Chapter 第一節 --- 玄言詩的源頭 --- p.69 / Chapter (一) --- 「《詩》、《騷》之體盡矣 」 --- p.69 / Chapter (二) --- 東晉玄言詩與《詩經》 --- p.70 / Chapter 1. --- 東晉時《詩經》的地位 --- p.70 / Chapter 2. --- 《詩經》對東晉玄言詩的影響 --- p.72 / Chapter 2.1. --- 文本關係 --- p.72 / Chapter 2.2. --- 體裁風格方面的影響 --- p.74 / Chapter (三) --- 東晉玄言詩與楚辭 --- p.76 / Chapter 1. --- 「熟讀離騷」的啓示 --- p.76 / Chapter 2. --- 東晉玄言詩與楚辭的直接關係 --- p.77 / Chapter 2.1. --- 童蒙者拾其香草 --- p.77 / Chapter 2.2. --- 吟諷者銜其山川 --- p.78 / Chapter 3. --- 間接影響一一情感表達與屈子精神 --- p.80 / Chapter 第二節 --- 東晉玄言詩與前代詩歌 --- p.82 / Chapter (一) --- 題材 --- p.82 / Chapter 1. --- 詩歌中的說理傳統 --- p.82 / Chapter 2. --- 嵇康、阮籍詩中的玄言 --- p.84 / Chapter (二) --- 體 裁 --- p.86 / Chapter 1. --- 東晉玄言詩的體裁 --- p.86 / Chapter 2. --- 東晉四言詩的背景 --- p.87 / Chapter 2.1. --- 玄學思想 --- p.88 / Chapter 2.2. --- 哲學著作 --- p.89 / Chapter 2.3. --- 魏晉四言詩 --- p.89 / Chapter 3. --- 四言詩對東晉玄言詩之影響 --- p.91 / Chapter (三) --- 情感風格 --- p.93 / Chapter (四) --- 篇章結構 --- p.96 / Chapter (五) --- 小結 --- p.97 / Chapter 第三節 --- 東晉玄言詩與山水詩 --- p.98 / Chapter (一) --- 玄言詩中的山水因素 --- p.99 / Chapter (二) --- 山水興起的背景探討 --- p.103 / Chapter 1. --- 地理環境 --- p.103 / Chapter 2. --- 文學作品 --- p.105 / Chapter 3. --- 玄學思想 --- p.108 / Chapter (三) --- 玄言詩與山水詩的傳承關係 --- p.109 / Chapter 第四節 --- 玄言詩與後代詩歌理論 --- p.115 / Chapter (一) --- 東晉詩歌理論試探 --- p.115 / Chapter 1. --- 東晉典籍及著作中所見詩歌理論試析 --- p.116 / Chapter 1.1. --- 《抱樸子》 --- p.117 / Chapter 1.2. --- 《世說新語》 --- p.119 / Chapter 1.3. --- 東晉詩序 --- p.121 / Chapter (二) --- 東晉玄言詩所見之詩歌理論試析 --- p.122 / Chapter 1. --- 由東晉玄言詩的藝術特色見其詩歌理論 --- p.123 / Chapter 1.1. --- 創作論之一：詩歌對形式美的追求 --- p.123 / Chapter 1.2. --- 創作論之二：詩歌對聲律節奏的重視 --- p.124 / Chapter 1.3. --- 欣賞論之一：東晉玄言詩的情感表達 --- p.125 / Chapter 1.4. --- 欣賞論之二：玄言詩對雅與正的追求 --- p.127 / Chapter 2. --- 東晉玄言詩中詩論成分綜述 --- p.128 / Chapter (二) --- 玄言詩與詩歌形式理 論 --- p.133 / Chapter 1. --- 詩歌形式論 --- p.133 / Chapter 2. --- 語言修辭 --- p.134 / Chapter 3. --- 聲律節奏 --- p.138 / Chapter 4. --- 篇章結構 --- p.140 / Chapter (三) --- 玄言詩與意境觀念 --- p.143 / Chapter 1. --- 意境觀念 --- p.143 / Chapter 1.1. --- 意境觀念的發展 --- p.144 / Chapter 1.2. --- 「意境」的槪念 --- p.146 / Chapter 2. --- 意境學說與老莊玄學 --- p.148 / Chapter 2.1. --- 老莊之「道」一一意境學說的哲學基礎之一 --- p.149 / Chapter 2.2. --- 言不盡意一一魏晉玄學對意境學說的直接影響 --- p.151 / Chapter 3. --- 東晉玄言詩與意境觀念 --- p.154 / Chapter 3.1. --- 詩歌風格 --- p.154 / Chapter 3.2. --- 意境的層次 --- p.157 / Chapter 3.3. --- 意境的基本要素 --- p.159 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結語 --- p.162 / 參考文獻 --- p.165 / 附錄一：東晉玄言詩人與玄言詩作對應表 --- p.173 / 附錄二：東晉玄言詩篇章 --- p.175

abstract: During the twelfth century, three new schools of Daoism were founded in North China: Quanzhen (Complete Perfection), Taiyi (Supreme Unity), and Dadao (Great Way). While Quanzhen has received much scholarly attention, the others have been largely ignored. By focusing on just one school--Dadao--as in depth as possible and within the historical context, I hope to elucidate the flourishing state of Daoism in North China during the twelfth through fourteenth centuries beyond just the activity of the Quanzhen school. To that end, I have amassed sixteen inscriptions and records, as well as reconstructed one inscription previously incomplete, and added them to the eleven inscriptions and records published in the Daojia jinshi lüe and the three pieces of Yuan-dynasty poetry and prose contained in the Nan Song chu Hebei xin Daojiao kao. This has doubled the available source material. Most of these have been previously published individually, but have never been studied in conjunction with the other known Dadao texts. The result is the most comprehensive study of the school in over seventy-five years, in which I also present a new understanding of the school’s founder, how the lineages developed, and the school’s ultimate fate. The portrait of the school which emerges from this dissertation challenges the notion that Dadao was nothing more than a minor variation of the Quanzhen school or is otherwise unworthy of scholarly attention. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation East Asian Languages and Civilizations 2017

吾國文學代興末替，考述其學術創作，各具偉業，而金代文學駸盛，不亞他代：惟前 此中國文學史專著，罕見綜論者，本文旨在紹述金代文學全貌，期能稍補文學史之闕 漏。 本文凡八章，約三十九萬餘字。 第一章：「緒論」，陳述本文研究之目的、方法、以及研究條件之囿限。 第二章：「金代文學之時代背景」，首節：「政經狀況」，分就國策、政教、經建、 考述其措施及良窳。次節：「社會環境」，針對社會結構、種族問題、漢人抗金行動 、社會習俗、新道教盛行等，分述其實況。三節：「學術背景」，從科學擢才之成果 ，儒士弘道之實踐，以及學術思潮之傳承等，推論學術發展之原委及影響。 第三章：「金代文學概況及其分期」，首節：「文學概況、類分詩、詞、文、戲曲等 概述之」；次節：「著作概況、以典籍之傳承、刊刻、現存典籍之評介為主」。三節 ：「金代文學之分期」，首言分期之意義及準繩，斷分為「肇始」、「經營」、「創 新」、「大成」四期，以見特色。 第四章至七章：「金代重要文學家之考述」，依前分四期，各列乙章，共擇代表性名 家三十二人以及女真君王之創作，依序考述其平生志業，評騭其作品之內容、風格、 技巧、文學理論等，以彰顯金代文學之實況。 第八章：「結論」，歸納為五項：金代文學成就斐然可觀，金代文學與時代關係密切 ，金代文士全力持護文化，金代文學啟導元代文學，以及揭示後續研究之課題等，並 教於碩學先進。

published_or_final_version / abstract / toc / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

金元之際的中原知識階層所處的是一個大動盪的時代，一方面漫天戰火奪去了無數生 靈性命，破壞了政治、社會秩序；一方面蒙古接替女真，成為中原新的統治者。由於 起初蒙古人並未大幅施行漢法，因此這已不是單純的朝代更替，而是整個政治、經濟 、社會制度的轉變。處於此一時間的中原知識階層他們如何自處、有那些一般性質、 如何協助蒙古可汗治理中原並保存漢文化，這些問題便是本論文探討的核心所在。 本論文研究的時間範圍是從衛紹王即位的大安元年（一二０九）至元世祖建國號為元 的至元八年（一二七一），共計六十二年。凡在大安元年以後去世，並在垤元八年以 前已有所成的中原士人（亦即成長在原金朝統治區域內的土人），恂是本論文研究的 對象。 法國年鑑學派史學家布勞岱將歷史分為三個層次﹕最表層是短期「事件」；中層是持 續較長的「時間」；最底層是綿延可達數世紀的「長時期」。就社會的結構而言，「 事件」只是在社會表面的人文現象；「時期」是數十年就可能改變的社會中層結；「 長時期」則是灴易改變的社會深層結構。就本論文的研究主題而言，金元之際中原知 識階層的言論、作為、以及當時個別的政、經、社結構屬於「時間」的層次；秦、漢 以後古代中國的政、經〉社模式則屬於「長時間」的層次。本論文的研究係從「事件 」層次著手，而逐漸突顯出屬於「時間」的中層社會結構，至於「長時間」層次的探 討，僅略有所及。 金元之際蒙古、西域、中原三大文化和他們的承傳者，彼此間相互的激盪，而中原文 化並未佔盡優勢，但對於元初政體的建構亦有其不可忽視的貢獻。

全真教是興於金代，在華北地區勢力較大的新宗教之一．到了大蒙古國時期，其勢力 更為壯大，以迄於元．本論文研究主題，在探討全真教與蒙古帝室之關係．計一冊， 七萬餘言，共分五章． 第一章緒論． 第二章全真教的初期發展．共分三節，敘述王重陽之創教，七子與教團的開展，以及 教團與金王朝的關係． 第三章成吉思汗時期：全真教地位的建立．共二節，討論成吉思汗的宗教態度，丘處 機與教團地位的建立． 第四章窩闊台，貴由至蒙哥可汗：全真教地位的轉變．共三節，討論汗廷與教團的關 係，朝臣與教團的往來，教團擴張及地位的轉變． 第五章後論：忽必烈以後的全真教．

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在歷史上，南宋與金處於對峙狀態，兩方沒有文學與文化的交流，就詩歌而言，在當時是兩個獨立的詩壇，各自發展；但是在元、明以後的詩歌論述中，它們逐漸發生聯繫，最終被置於同一詩歌傳統中。究竟從分到合，是怎麼的一個過程？過程背後蘊含著甚麼文化及詩學觀念？ / 陸游（1125-1210）、元好問（1190-1257）是繼蘇軾、黃庭堅以後，最著名的古典詩人，分別代表南宋、金源詩學。他們的詩論與詩作都一直是學界關注的議題。由於他們分屬南宋、金源，兩方詩學互不關涉，近世學者遂視他們為彼此無關的詩人。無論是文學通史還是斷代文學史，都是南北各自論述，陸、元絶無關聯。 / 但是，筆者經研究發現，自元代以來，南宋、金詩便被關聯起來，不斷做對比與評價，而衡量標準實既牽涉到正統朔閏的政治問題，也涉及到詩學源流的審美問題。元初文人關注文化承傳，從時代政治判斷金詩優於南宋；明代復古派關注詩歌取徑，以兩者分屬中唐、晚唐，一概貶斥；而清代主變者關注詩學傳統，他們雖承認南宋、金詩並非正統，卻認同兩者值得取逕，甚至將兩者從中、晚唐傳統抽離，視之為杜詩傳統的發展。南宋、金詩地位提高之餘，更由兩個原來獨立的傳統，統合在同一脈絡之下。 / 元明以來，南宋、金詩的比較是詩歌史敘述重要的一環。歷代的評價環環相扣，側重點卻各有不同。這些側重點的差異正反映了論者論述南宋、金詩時用以參照系統的不同。從中，我們可看到陸游、元好問成為後世典範的原因和過程：他們面對唐、宋詩完全成熟的階段，卻能出入唐、宋，自成一家；儘管詩風、詩論有差異，二人均可上溯不同源流，故對宗唐還是主宋者而言，都是重要的師法對象。筆者期望通過本研究，能夠釐清陸游、元好問，乃至南宋、金詩對後來詩學發展的影響。 / Relations between the Southern Song and Jin were tense and hostile, hense there were very limited communications in literature and culture. At that time, the two schools of poetry developed independently. However, from the Yuan Dynasty onwards, scholars often made comparisons with the two schools, and gradually treated them as one poetic tradition. The thesis explores this emerging progess and the poetic concepts behind. / Lu You (1125-1210) and Yuen Haowen (1190-1257) are the most famous poets of classical Chinese literature after Su Xi and Huang Tingjian. They represent the Southern Song and Jin poetry respectively. Their poetic theories and works are always discussed, but not compared. It is because scholars of the recent generations recognized Southern Song and Jing as two independent schools of poetry. Therefore, in the Chinese literature history, no matter it is in general or by stages, the coexistence of the two poets are often neglected. / The author proposes since the Yuan Dynasty, the relationship between the schools of the Southern Song and Jin poetry started to gain notice. The works were compared as a way of review and the standards were mainly about legitimacy and the poetic origins. The Yuan scholars concerned heritage aspect and approved that the Jin poetry was better than the Southern Song. The Ming scholars concerned the way to assimilate the Tang poetry. They regarded Southern Song and Jing poetry as the mid and late Tang poetry, whereas Qing Scholars recognized them as a development of the school of Tu Fu poetry. The values of the Southern Song and Jin poetry raised and emerged into one school. / In he Yuan Ming and Qing Dynasties, the comparison of the Southern Song and Jin poetry is one of the most important issues in Chinese literary history. Evaluations were done from different aspects and with different purposes and they all reflect different points of views of the scholars. Through the comparison, we can have a better understanding of the reasons and progress of how Lu You and Yuan Haowen became the paragons of the later generations and how they made themselves stand out from Tang and Song poetry and became the important studying models of classical poetry. By this research, the author wishes to give a clear image of the influence of the Chinese classical poetry development given by Lu You, Yuan Haowen and also the Song and Jin poetry. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 蘇穎添. / Thesis submitted: December 2012. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 208-221) / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Su Yingtian. / 論文提要 --- p.i / Abstract of Thesis --- p.ii / 目錄 --- p.iv / Chapter 緒論 --- 現今詩學研究對南宋、金源分合未有足夠重視 --- p.2 / Chapter 一、 --- 南宋、金詩的高下是歷代均關注的詩學命題 --- p.6 / Chapter 二、 --- 南宋、金詩歌史敘述圍繞陸游、元好問展開 --- p.13 / Chapter 三、 --- 南宋、金詩歌史敘述圍繞陸游、元好問展開 --- p.13 / Chapter 第一章 --- 陸游、元好問可比性探析 --- p.17 / Chapter 一、 --- 俱有針砭詩壇流弊的主張 --- p.18 / Chapter 二、 --- 轉益多師，兼宗唐、宋 --- p.24 / Chapter 三、 --- 詩論、詩風同中有異，並論是詩歌史敘述的結果 --- p.38 / Chapter 第二章 --- 南北爭衡：南宋、金詩在元代的文化正統之爭 --- p.49 / Chapter 一、 --- 陸游、元好問分別代表東南、中原詩學，實出於文化認同 --- p.51 / Chapter 二、 --- 南北分合引發宋、金詩之爭 --- p.59 / Chapter 三、 --- 南宋、金源詩學衰落牽涉南北文化消長 --- p.66 / Chapter 四、 --- 後人視元好問為元代詩學先導 --- p.77 / Chapter 第三章 --- 偏離盛唐：宋、金詩在明代的評價問題 --- p.80 / Chapter 一、 --- 元代文化在明初得到承認，南宋、金源詩受排斥 --- p.81 / Chapter 二、 --- 在明代復古派興起前的宋、元詩之爭 --- p.85 / Chapter 三、 --- 陸游、元好問被派入中唐、晚唐的傳統 --- p.91 / Chapter 四、 --- 宋、元詩風從相爭到融合 --- p.109 / Chapter 第四章 --- 折衷唐宋：宋、金詩在清代合流的過程 --- p. 116 / Chapter 一、 --- 清人反思宋、元詩之失 --- p.116 / Chapter 二、 --- 陸游從南宋江西體中被抽離 --- p.122 / Chapter 三、 --- 杜詩傳統將陸游、元好問結合為同一發展脈絡 --- p.131 / Chapter 第五章 --- 「天放奇葩角兩雄」：清中葉翁方綱的陸游、元好問比較 --- p.142 / Chapter 一、 --- 突破「詩到蘇、黃盡」的困境 --- p.143 / Chapter 二、 --- 以元好問七古在陸游之上，帶出二人詩學淵源的分歧 --- p.146 / Chapter 三、 --- 强調陸游「自行於千古」，否定其與傳統的淵源 --- p.155 / Chapter 四、 --- 通過元優於陸，反思清初詩學 --- p.161 / Chapter 第六章 --- 以金接宋：翁方綱對「蘇學盛於北」說的强調 --- p.167 / Chapter 一、 --- 古今學者質疑「蘇學盛於北」說 --- p.169 / Chapter 二、 --- 趙秉文、元好問反思蘇學 --- p.180 / Chapter 三、 --- 翁方綱為何强調「蘇學盛於北」 --- p.202 / 結語 --- p.205 / 參考書目 --- p.208