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As a native of El Paso, Texas my work reflects on autobiographical narratives and violent events that have taken place along the US-Mexico border. For the past two years my research and artwork have focused on the Femicidios (women murders) in Ciudad Juárez (Chihuahua, Mexico). The specific case of Campo Algodón (2001), where eight young women were found in a mass grave in the center of the city, led me to investigate and produce a group of works in reference to loss, justice, memory and erasure. My purpose is to create works that inform the viewer of something that has occurred and continues to happen. My artistic approach involves concept, research and process, which eventually result in installations and sculptural objects. My aim in this thesis is to outline my research methodology and explore the intersections of my work with theoretical discourses in art, human rights, and neoliberalism. With a minimalist aesthetic, my work often masks the labor intensive process involved in research and production. By mining the archives of classified documents used in international human rights courts, I use this material as the base for my work. The nature of this material often dictates its visibility or illegibility as a classified source that cannot be revealed. This body of work requires collaboration across disciplines in which the research and communication with specialists have helped in the formation of each piece. / text

While the history of the Latter-day Saints who colonized in Mexico is probably not generally known by the majority of Latter-day Saints living throughout the world today, it nevertheless comprises an exceptionally colorful and exciting chapter of the history of Mormonism. The Latter-day Saints who went to Mexico created there a culture and society which has never been duplicated. Probably one of the chief concerns of the Mormon Colonists in Mexico was to establish in their society a culture which would be lastingly enduring and which would progressively improve. Secondly, it is also probable that they were passionately desirous of having their children share their same convictions concerning religion and morality. The Colonists determined that the best way to insure a realization of these desires was through their system of schooling—secular as well as religious. These appear to be the aims which justified the existence of the Juarez Stake Academy. Because of the unique circumstances which account for the existence of both the Mexican colonies and the subsequent existence of the Juarez Academy neither can be understood or explained without looking to certain attendant circumstances. Although this study is concerned primarily with the Juarez Stake Academy, it will nevertheless be necessary to look to these other circumstances.

x, 144 p. ： col. ill. / Together, the cities El Paso, Texas and Juarez, Mexico form the largest international border metropolis in the world. While El Paso consistently ranks among the safest cities in the U.S., Cd. Juarez's recent and extreme escalation of violence has produced one of the world's most dangerous locales. Within this starkly differentiated and transnational urban conglomeration, complex geographies of gender, culture, and identity have emerged, prompting the following question: how is mobility shifting throughout el Paso del Norte in response to the heightened violence in Juarez, and what are the implications of these negotiations of mobility for fronterizo (borderlander) identity? By focusing on gendered mobilities in the U.S./Mexico borderlands, this study engages with cultural implications of the recent drug conflict fueled exodus from Juarez into El Paso, articulating the negotiation of identities and daily geographies which characterize the divided lives of borderlanders. / Committee in charge: Lise Nelson， Chairperson； Alexander Murphy， Member； Kathryn Meehan， Member

Submitted by Raimundo Helio Lopes (raimundohelio@gmail.com) on 2014-04-24T13:27:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Raimundo Helio Lopes - Doutorado PPHPBC.pdf: 16248641 bytes, checksum: 1b86e0f548b745c8efb748ddc6e2b945 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rafael Aguiar (rafael.aguiar@fgv.br) on 2014-05-29T14:12:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Raimundo Helio Lopes - Doutorado PPHPBC.pdf: 16248641 bytes, checksum: 1b86e0f548b745c8efb748ddc6e2b945 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2014-06-02T13:06:59Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Raimundo Helio Lopes - Doutorado PPHPBC.pdf: 16248641 bytes, checksum: 1b86e0f548b745c8efb748ddc6e2b945 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-02T13:07:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Raimundo Helio Lopes - Doutorado PPHPBC.pdf: 16248641 bytes, checksum: 1b86e0f548b745c8efb748ddc6e2b945 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-04 / This thesis deals with the trajectory of the geopolitical region then called Northern Brazil, during the Provisional Government of Getúlio Vargas (1930-1934). This region started to get organized on the immediate aftermath of Vargas’ rise to power in 1930 and, in the following years, came to be one of the most active political forces of the period. The North was formed by the then federal territory of Acre and the states of Amazonas, Pará, Maranhão, Piauí, Ceará, Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Alagoas, Sergipe, Bahia e Espírito Santo. At that time, the main positions of power in these states, both in politics as well as within the military, were occupied by men who called themselves northern revolutionaries. The invention and consolidation of this political identity was built upon the recognition of Juarez Távora as the great leader and representative of the regional interests within the Provisional Government. Ironically called by his political opponents the 'Vice-roy of the North', Távora lead this group during the whole period, building an important alliance between this geopolitical region and the Provisional Government. Thus, the North, its revolutionaries and its leaders, were the main supporters of Vargas and his political centralization scheme, in opposition to other lines of thought, especially the ones that favored the return of the constitutional regime. In that way, the North decisively participated in the radicalization process which led to the civil war of 1932, sending thousands of troops to the battlefields and fighting, within the region itself, the possible allies of the rebel movement lead by the state of São Paulo. As the war ended and the country returned to the constitutional regime, despite attempts to remain as a large and important political block, the region breaks apart and the old bonds that defined the identity of northern revolutionaries vanish, along with the clear leadership role of its former leader and hero, Juarez Távora. / Esta tese investiga a trajetória da região geopolítica conhecida como Norte, durante o Governo Provisório varguista (1930-1934). Ela começou a ser gestada no imediato pós-30 e, nos anos seguintes, tornou-se uma das forças políticas mais ativas de todo o período. O Norte era formado pelo então território federal do Acre e os estado do Amazonas, Pará, Maranhão, Piauí, Ceará, Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Alagoas, Sergipe, Bahia e Espírito Santo. Nesta conjuntura, as principais posições políticas e militares nesses estados passaram a ser ocupadas pelos que adotaram a autodesignação de revolucionários nortistas. A invenção e consolidação dessa identidade política tinha como elemento agregador o reconhecimento de Juarez Távora como grande líder e representante dos interesses da região junto ao Governo Provisório. Chamado ironicamente, por seus opositores, de 'Vice-rei do Norte', Távora liderou esse grupo durante todo o período, construindo uma importante aliança entre essa região geopolítica e o Governo Provisório. Desse modo, o Norte, seus revolucionários e seu líder foram os principais apoiadores de Vargas na defesa do projeto de centralização política, em oposição a outras correntes, sobretudo as que pregavam o retorno ao regime constitucional. Dessa forma, o Norte participou decisivamente do processo de radicalização que desembocou na guerra civil de 1932, enviando milhares de soldados para os campos de batalha e combatendo, dentro da região, os possíveis aliados do movimento rebelde liderado por São Paulo. Com o fim da guerra e confirmado o retorno do país ao regime constitucional, apesar da tentativa de permanecer como um grande bloco político, a região se fragmenta e os antigos laços que definiam a identidade dos revolucionários nortistas se dissolvem, assim como a liderança indiscutível de seu líder e herói, Juarez Távora.

This thesis examines the phenomenon of feminicide in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, and the representation of female victims in U.S. and Mexican mainstream media and performance activism. Specifically analyzing representations of maquiladora workers and feminicide victims in film, fashion and photography, this thesis explores the simultaneous fetishization and devaluation of border women in patriarchal society. By broadening the base of pressure for justice, via performance and internet activism, misogynist governments and policies can and will change.

Since 2008, Ciudad Juarez has seen almost 10,000 murders due to Mexico’s ongoing war against drug-trafficking organizations. However, in 2011 the murders in the city began to decline. This report examines the reasons for this decrease and the lingering effects that will remain once the violence ends. It also analyzes historical factors dating back to the 1960s that have made Juarez a vortex of violence and looks at how such issues might affect the city’s future. Now that the violence is falling, some argue that the people of Juarez must to shift their attention from public safety and security and focus more on the recovery of the city. This report analyzes the question of what it means to reconstruct a city, one of 1.3 million people, or whether or not Juarez can be restored at all. It takes a look at the city through the eyes of several of its residents, including the president of the local Chamber of Commerce, an elementary school teacher, and a working journalist for one of the city’s television stations. It examines how each of their sectors of the city has been affected and how each of them can help in the recovery. This report includes a visit to one of the city’s schools to see first-hand the effects that the drug war has had on Juarez’ most vulnerable citizens, its children. It also follows a city journalist and examines how life for a reporter has changed in Juarez and how reporters can help the city by reporting on it in a more responsible manner. Finally, after seeing more than 10,000 businesses close, the city has struggled in jolting the economy. A project proposed by the Chamber of Commerce hopes to revitalize the economic sector of the city, but many wonder if it’s realistic to expect this project, which is to build a new convention center, to fix an entire city. / text

The purpose of this study in 2002-2003 was to explore the relationships between individual and community empowerment and community development as reported by five government officials of the City of Oaxaca, Mexico, and by three community leaders, two NGO representatives, and three residents of Rinconada, an urban neighborhood on the outskirt of Oaxaca City. This study documents the dynamics of the Committee for Urban Life (COMVIVE), a community development program founded under the principle of resident participation. More specifically, this study describes the ways by which residents of the developing community of Rinconada were empowered by COMVIVE to participate substantially in community development initiatives.The Case Study research methodology was used to identify the setting, the unit of analysis, and the informants. Ethnographic procedures such as interviews, participant observation, and analysis of documents were used to collect, analyze, and report the evidence. Further analysis of the evidence was done with the help of ATLAS.ti, a computer program that allowed faster retrieval of interview information.The evidence presented suggests that the COMVIVE principles, structure, and process contributed to residents' empowerment to take action for community development. The COMVIVE program and its coordinators recognized and used the community organizational structure as the basis for resident participation, provided residents with a network of agencies and experts to access information and resources to undertake their projects, formed partnerships with residents and local NGOs, facilitated democratic decisions, provided tools to make development processes transparent and democratic, had a direct contact with residents, and facilitated residents participation in the decision-making process.The evidence also suggests that resident empowerment for community development is much more that involvement. It entails residents' control of their projects and responsibility to obtain appropriate information for decision making. In the context of low-income human settlements, having appropriate information is important for residents as they take actions to improve their living environments. Additional studies about empowerment for environmental improvement would add value to this study and inform practitioners to help plan and implement meaningful development programs. / Department of Educational Leadership

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