This dissertation is a contribution to the fields of the history of the Hebrew book and early modern Jewish cultural history. It is a study of Sefer Ḥasidim, a text that originated in the medieval Rhineland, in its first two printed editions (of 1538 and 1581, respectively). By analyzing these editions closely, and by comparing them to their manuscript antecedents, it is possible to determine how the work of printing changed Sefer Ḥasidim and how printing shaped readers’ understanding of the text. These investigations advance the argument that the printing of Hebrew books was a creative act, not merely a process of reproduction and dissemination. Like all creative productions, moreover, these editions can be read as witnesses to the particular social and cultural contexts from which they emerged—in this case, a period of upheaval in Jewish life and European society. Moreover, the varied cast of characters who produced these editions—printers, editors, proofreaders, press workers, among others—were influenced by commercial, intellectual and religious interests unique to the sixteenth century and to Italy. These interests left their mark on the texts of Sefer Ḥasidim that emerged from their presses (in the form of censorship and emendations), as well as their associated paratexts (e.g. prefaces, tables of contents and introductions). Part one of this dissertation focuses on the first printed edition of Sefer Ḥasidim, produced by a group of Jewish silk entrepreneurs who called themselves “the partners” in the city of Bologna. It contains two chapters. Chapter one examines who the partners were and their social position within Bolognese Jewry, as well as the legal and institutional framework that regulated the production of Hebrew books in Bologna. Chapter two is a close reading of their edition of Sefer Ḥasidim and a comparison to the extant Sefer Ḥasidim manuscripts. This chapter highlights three areas where the partners innovated: They ascribed the authorship of Sefer Ḥasidim to the medieval pietist R. Judah he-Ḥasid; they prefaced the text with a lengthy table of contents; and they censored the text to eliminate a number of references to Christianity and Christians. Part two focuses on the second edition of Sefer Ḥasidim. It contains three chapters. Chapter three examines the people who created this edition: the Christian printer Ambrosius Froben of Basel and his Jewish and Christian associates. Chapter four focuses on the many paratexts that accompanied Froben’s edition. These documents present Sefer Ḥasidim as a canonical work of scripture and aggadah (rabbinic lore) intended for young students. Chapter five focuses on the text of Sefer Ḥasidim in Froben’s edition and the emendations Froben and his editors introduced. The chapter highlights three kinds of emendations: censorship of anti-Christian passages; the removal of phrases in languages other than Hebrew; and the introduction of punctuation and glosses. Taken together, these emendations create the impression that Sefer Ḥasidim was a “classic” of far greater import than it may have had at the time of its composition. This dissertation closes with a conclusion that describes how the data contained in the previous chapters might be useful for students of the history of the book and Jewish modernity.

O presente trabalho analisa as fontes bíblicas e extrabíblicas que fazem referência à incursão militar do rei assírio Senaqueribe em Judá durante o período do reinado de Ezequias, em 701 a.E.C. Inicia-se com uma revisão bibliográfica do tema nos últimos dois séculos, seguida de uma breve contextualização histórica das relações entre os Reinos de Israel e Judá e o Império Assírio durante o séc. VIII a.E.C., com atenção especial ao reinado de Ezequias, rei de Judá. Em seguida, apresenta-se de forma sucinta as evidências arqueológicas da destruição causada pelo exército assírio no Reino de Judá durante a campanha do rei Senaqueribe em 701 a.E.C., especialmente os dados da escavação da cidade de Laquis, cuja estratigrafia e abundante presença de um tipo específico de jarro foram fundamentais para verificar a extensão da devastação assíria. Segue-se a análise das fontes assírias, a saber: o relato da terceira campanha do rei Senaqueribe, registrada nos Anais Reais Assírios; a inscrição da conquista de duas cidades do rei Ezequias durante essa campanha, documentada em dois fragmentos; e o painel do palácio sudoeste do rei Senaqueribe em Nínive, cujos relevos retratam a conquista da cidade judaíta de Laquis. Em seguida, expõe-se a história de autoria de Heródoto sobre uma expedição frustrada do rei Senaqueribe ao Egito e uma breve introdução aos livros bíblicos de Reis, Isaías e Crônicas, acompanhada da análise das narrativas da invasão de Senaqueribe nos respectivos livros (IIRs 18:13-19:37, Is 36-37; IICr 32:1-23). Por fim, apresentam-se algumas considerações finais a partir da análise e comparação das fontes. / This paper examines the biblical and extra-biblical sources of the military expedition of the Assyrian king Sennacherib in Judah during the reign of Hezekiah in 701 B.C. The work begins with the literature review of the topic for the last two centuries, followed by a brief historical background of the relations between the Kingdoms of Israel and Judah and the Assyrian Empire during the 8th century B.C., with special attention to the reign of Hezekiah king of Judah. After that, it is presented briefly the archaeological evidence of the destruction caused by the Assyrian army in the Kingdom of Judah during the king Sennacherib\'s campaign in 701 B.C., especially the excavation data of the city of Lachish, whose stratigraphy and abundant presence of a specific type of jars were essential to verify the extent of Assyrian devastation. It follows the analysis of the Assyrian sources, namely: the account of the third campaign of the king Sennacherib, registered in the Assyrian Royal Annals; the description of the conquest of two cities of the king Hezekiah during this campaign, documented in two fragments; and the reliefs of Sennacheribs southwest palace in Nineveh, whose slabs depict the conquest of the Judahite city of Lachish. Next, it is exposed Herodotus\' story of a failed expedition of the king Sennacherib to Egypt and a brief introduction to the biblical books of Kings, Isaiah and Chronicles, along with the analysis of the narratives of Sennacherib\'s invasion in these books (IIKgs 18: 13- 19: 37, Isa 36-37; IIChr 32: 1-23). Finally, some concluding remarks are presented from the analysis and comparison of the sources.

This study looks at the Iron Age fortress at Tell el-Hesi as a borderlands site between Judah and Philistia in order to understand the cultural and political role of the site and the role it may have played in state formation in the southern Levant. I analyzed the pottery found in the construction and earliest occupation phases of the Iron Age fortress at Tell el-Hesi in an attempt to date the phases. The results of the pottery analysis and its implications are then compared with recent scholarship on the site.

Recentemente e quase simultaneamente, quatro novas instalações de culto da Idade do Ferro (1200-586 a.C.) foram trazidas à luz por escavações arqueológicas em Israel, todas presumivelmente no território do antigo Reino de Judá, apresentando sinais de estarem de alguma forma conectadas ao governo: três são santuários em Khirbet Qeiyafa e uma é um templo em Tel Moza. Juntamente com o templo de Tel Arad, descoberto na década de 1960 dentro de uma fortaleza judaíta, e os dois únicos edifícios de culto legitimados e descritos pelas fontes bíblicas, a saber, o Tabernáculo de Moisés e o Templo de Salomão, essas mais recentes descobertas formam um novo e consideravelmente ampliado corpo de evidências arqueológicas de um culto hipoteticamente endossado ou patrocinado pelo Reino de Judá, e uma valiosa oportunidade para esclarecer questões que têm sido levantadas quanto à história e religião dos antigos israelitas. Nesta tese, os templos judaítas são comparados a praticamente todos os templos da Idade do Ferro do Levante de que se tem conhecimento até a presente data, por meio de um aqui proposto tipo de análise semiótica da forma de disposição do espaço. O estudo encontrou evidências de que, conquanto os templos judaítas compartilhem uma série de traços individuais com muitos templos do Levante, como já tem sido amplamente notado, eles consistentemente adotam um conjunto desses traços de maneira única e em oposição direta aos traços que caracterizam os templos filisteus. As implicações desses achados para a compreensão dos processos de diferenciação cultural e formação da identidade de Judá são consideradas e uma proposta de explicação é oferecida. / Recently and almost simultaneously four new Iron Age (1200-586 BCE) cultic installations were brought to light by archaeological digs in Israel, all presumably in the territory of the ancient Kingdom of Judah, presenting signs of being somehow connected to the government: three are shrines in Khirbet Qeiyafa and one is a temple in Tel Moza. Together with the Tel Arad temple, uncovered in the 1960\'s inside a Judahite fortress, and the only two cultic buildings legitimized and described by the biblical sources, namely the Tabernacle of Moses and the Temple of Solomon, those most recent discoveries form a new and considerably enlarged body of archaeological evidence of an hypothetical cult endorsed or sponsored by the Kingdom of Judah and a valuable opportunity to clarify issues that have been raised regarding ancient Israelite history and religion. In this thesis, the Judahite temples are compared to nearly all Iron Age temples from the Levant known to date by means of a here-proposed type of semiotic analysis of their layout. The study has found evidence that while the Judahite temples share a number of individual traits with many Levantine temples, as it has already been widely noticed, they consistently adopt a set of those traits in a unique way and in direct opposition to the traits that characterize the Philistine temples. The implications of those finds for the understanding of Judah\'s cultural differentiation and identity formation processes and outcome are considered and a tentative explanation is offered.

The Old Testament verbal expression of ‘the exile of Judah’ during the Babylonian exile has led to the perception that the land of Judah was emptied of all Judeans. This biblical expression is not necessarily contradictory to historical facts, but theologically and quality-orientated in nature. The exile of the elite from Jerusalem to Babylon, the execution of some of them and the flight of others to Egypt and other neighbouring states disrupted Jerusalem and rendered the city dysfunctional in every national sphere. The royal and religious services, which were based in Jerusalem, the capital city, were discontinued. The emptiness of Judah was signalled by the emptiness as regards the royal and religious authority wrought on Jerusalem by Babylon. Without their royalty, cult, trade, military and judiciary, Judah was indeed emptied and exiled. However, not all Judeans were exiled, for a remnant remained. There is almost no significant record of revelations by God in Judah during the exile, especially after compatriots that opted to flee to Egypt had forcefully taken Jeremiah with them. In addition to its land being emptied during the exile, Judah lost some of its land. The Judean identity in Judah disintegrated due to the influx of foreigners into the land and their subsequent influence on the remaining Judeans. Those that remained in Judah were unable to establish an exclusive Judean community and identity effectively; in any case, not before the Babylonian exiles returned early in the time of the Persian Empire. The paucity of information about the lifestyle in Judah during the exile attests to the veracity and rectitude of the theological concepts of the exile of Judah from 605 to 539 BCE. / Thesis (PhD (Old Testament))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.

The Old Testament verbal expression of ‘the exile of Judah’ during the Babylonian exile has led to the perception that the land of Judah was emptied of all Judeans. This biblical expression is not necessarily contradictory to historical facts, but theologically and quality-orientated in nature. The exile of the elite from Jerusalem to Babylon, the execution of some of them and the flight of others to Egypt and other neighbouring states disrupted Jerusalem and rendered the city dysfunctional in every national sphere. The royal and religious services, which were based in Jerusalem, the capital city, were discontinued. The emptiness of Judah was signalled by the emptiness as regards the royal and religious authority wrought on Jerusalem by Babylon. Without their royalty, cult, trade, military and judiciary, Judah was indeed emptied and exiled. However, not all Judeans were exiled, for a remnant remained. There is almost no significant record of revelations by God in Judah during the exile, especially after compatriots that opted to flee to Egypt had forcefully taken Jeremiah with them. In addition to its land being emptied during the exile, Judah lost some of its land. The Judean identity in Judah disintegrated due to the influx of foreigners into the land and their subsequent influence on the remaining Judeans. Those that remained in Judah were unable to establish an exclusive Judean community and identity effectively; in any case, not before the Babylonian exiles returned early in the time of the Persian Empire. The paucity of information about the lifestyle in Judah during the exile attests to the veracity and rectitude of the theological concepts of the exile of Judah from 605 to 539 BCE. / Thesis (PhD (Old Testament))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1964. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (p. 486-488).

Thesis--ha-Universiṭah ha-ʻivrit bi-Yerushalayim. / Added t.p.: The thought of R. Zerahiah b. Isaac b. Shealtiel Hen & the Maimonidean-Tibbonian philosophy of the 13th century. Includes English summary. Bibliography: leaves 293-301.

A room with many well-preserved artifacts was excavated at Tell Halif in a level associated with Ancient Judah. By using analogy the use of these artifacts can be compared with that of other similar objects. Analogy is at the heart of archaeological interpretation and allows a more explicit determination of the possible uses of artifacts and their patterning. The artifacts serve as evidence for reconstructing life in and around an archaeologically excavated space. By discerning the patterns of artifact distribution we can interpret how the space might have been used. The room excavated at Tell Halif has strong evidence for food processing, closely integrated with storage. Textile production was also carried out in the room. Other artifacts point to food consumption, play, personal ornamentation and the use of symbolic images. The patterning of the artifacts indicates a busy multi-use space.

When cultures meet, mutual influences and cultural exchanges are unavoidable. Egypt’s contact with Syro-Palestine goes back to at least the Chalcolithic Period. Egypt was a major role player in the region throughout the Bronze Age. The discoveries at Ugarit have placed a lot of emphasis on possible Canaanite influences on the religion of ancient Israel. The purpose of this study is to investigate if cultural exchanges led to Egyptian religious concepts being accepted in Israel and Judah during the period 900-587 B.C.E. (Iron IIB and C). For this reason the iconography on contemporary seals was investigated. Symbols in ancient times, especially amongst illiterate societies, were important instruments in conveying ideas and concepts. The Hebrew Bible abounds with symbolism to illustrate the powers of Yahweh. Egyptian iconography on Hebrew seals, in particular seal amulets, has been regarded by most biblical scholars as mere decorations and the amulets regarded as ‘good luck’ charms. Seal amulets were important instruments of magical ritual in ancient Egypt, where there was no distinction between magic and religion. Biblical prohibitions against magic show that in Israel and Judah, it was regarded as a form of idolatry, thus religious rituals. An important factor to be considered is the influence of Phoenicia on the region during the Period. Close relationships seem to have existed between Phoenicia with the United Kingdom of Israel and later with the northern Kingdom of Israel. An investigation of Phoenician seals from the period revealed that Egyptian religious iconography was used by all levels of Phoenician society. They inter alia used Egyptian imagery to portray their own gods. Seals from Israel and Judah during Iron IIB and C indicate that Egyptian religious iconography was also used on seals by all levels of society in those kingdoms. Israel, due to its close proximity to Phoenicia, probably imported these images via Phoenicia. Judah, due to its isolation, probably got those images directly from Egypt. Some of these images may be ascribed to attempts to portray aspects of Yahweh’s powers. Others convey definite Egyptian religious messages. Egyptian influences on Israelite religion played a larger role than previously accepted. / Biblical Archaeology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Biblical Archaeology)