Thesis (Th. M.)--Calvin Theological Seminary, 2006. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 77-82).

South Korea experienced extraordinary economic growth in the period from 1960 to 1990. From a backward economy in the 1950’s, South Korea has been transformed into an urban industrial society with high levels of managerial and technical competence within governments, corporations and local communities. This dissertation examines Korea’s remarkable economic growth from the theoretical level and the local level. It presents an integrative framework, based on a review of the conventional theories and perspectives of modernization, dependency, world-system, and the New International Division of Labor (NIDL). The research documents the central government’s industrial policies and its collaboration with the corporate sector in the policy practice. It then analyzes economic, social, and environmental impacts of the two partners on local communities. The impacts in the industrial city of Ulsan are compared to the conditions in the traditional city of Kyungju. This case study includes survey research, which was designed to obtain public opinion on a wide variety of issues, from three different groups: government officials, corporate managers, and citizens. The research leads to the following conclusions. In contrast to Neo-Marxist arguments, well coordinated actions between the government and the private sector have a positive effect on industrial development, notwithstanding some constraining forces from the external world. Industrial growth in Korea did create a better Quality of Life for the general public. It supports some elements of the world-systems urban theory, such as emphasis on internal and external forces, internal dynamics within a developing country, and the relationships among world core, national centers, and smaller cities. Writings by Peter Dickens, Armstrong and McGee and Hagen Koo are shown to be useful for this kind of research. The thesis does not support the thread of the traditional dependency theory and the NIDL thesis. Industrialization in Korea did not marginalize the general public. Rather it improved the Quality of Life for the public, which is supported by the opinion survey indicating that more than three quarters of the sample respondents see that their Quality of Life has improved. Rapid industrialization in Korea caused social and environmental problems especially in the industrial cities. The survey result indicates that ninety four percent of the respondents from Ulsan regard environmental pollution a ‘very’ serious problem for the city, while the equivalent number for Kyungju was twelve percent. The survey result also shows that the public is now concerned more with social issues, such as a clean environment and a more equal distribution of wealth, than economic growth. As people’s awareness has expanded substantially to include elements of a better Quality of Life, both the local government and citizens agree there are problems with the conventional approach to industrial promotion. Although the strong views are held, neither the national nor local government have developed coherent policies to deal with this new phenomenon. The national government has expanded the roles of provincial and municipal governments in policy development, and this will include the election of local mayors and governors in 1995. It will provide a forum for better definition of the problem and more opportunities for their resolution. / Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies / Graduate

No description available.

The United States has been at war with North Korea since 1950, although hostilities have been on hold on the peninsula since July 27, 1953. Despite the cessation of active hostilities, the tensions on the Korean Peninsula increased in recent years when North Korea developed nuclear weapons. Increasing tensions due to nuclear weapons and the frozen state of conflict necessitate a re-evaluation of United States foreign policy on the peninsula to achieve a détente. To date, relations on the Korean peninsula are best described as zero sum. Central to the challenge of achieving détente on the peninsula is the ability to shift actors away from zero-sum behavior to that of positive-sum relationship to achieve gains that foster iterative interactions. As these iterative interactions occur, states extend their view of threats outward and build new reference points for mutual engagement. They become, in the words of Joseph Nye and Robert Keohane, interdependent. How can the United States shift its relationship with North Korea from one defined by relative gains to one defined by absolute gains? Has the United States or another country effectively transitioned an adversary from a zero- to a positive-sum relationship and what lessons are applicable to relations on the Korean peninsula? / Master of Arts / This analysis builds a theoretical framework for understanding neoliberal institutionalism. Building on past negotiations, the interpretation of these findings aim to assist military and global security scholars and policymakers with findings and recommendations to help find a way forward for the United States to contain the nuclear power of North Korea. We find that, consistent with the theory, leaders on both sides (i.e., Democratic and Communist) have used political, domestic, economic, justice, and security to support their specific theoretical mechanisms. These are all foundational principles for a theoretical approach. This analysis uses a multiple-case study approach and cross-case analysis to understand how the outcomes were reached. We evaluate our theory through Korean history and the careful analysis of two United States and Korean agreements: the 1994 Agreed Framework and multilateral six-party talks/2005 agreement. By determining the outcomes of these two negotiations, we can understand the motivating factors on both sides. Through these case studies analysis of these negotiations, we can help the United States deescalate/rid the current nuclear crisis with one or several hypothetical outcomes.

Politics has been an integral part of Korean football since the Japanese colonial era when the game became a vehicle for the Korean independence movement. The split between North and South Korea following the Korean War further accentuated the intrusion of politics into the domain of Korean football. As Koreans residing on either side of the border followed the game with intense interest and often regarded performance in international competition as a signifier of national prestige, the governments of both North and South Korea attached more importance to football than to any other sport and became its foremost patrons. In these circumstances it is not surprising to find that the relative performance of the national teams of North and South Korea mirrored changing economic and political conditions. Thus the rapid rise of North Korean football in the 1960s was a reflection of the state’s systematic and successful postwar reconstruction. Since the 1980s, however, South Korea, with its booming economy, has clearly surpassed its increasingly impoverished northern counterparts in the football field. Undoubtedly, the most two important events pertaining to the development of Korean football were the 1966 and 2002 World Cups. They provided occasions when nationalist sentiment could be expressed through football in both North and South Korea. They also provided opportunities for Korean footballers, through their achievements on the field, to show that the gap between the traditional periphery and core of world football was narrowing. At the same time, participation in competition at this level, whether by teams from North or South Korea, suggested that there was a recognizable and distinctive Korean football style nurtured in training camps where the emphasis was on producing players with sufficient stamina to run at their opponents for ninety minutes. Tireless running football has been the characteristic of successful teams from both North and South Korea. Thus, while recognizing the profound ideological differences that separate North and South Korea, this thesis also emphasizes the football tradition and culture that ethnically homogenous Koreans have in common.

Thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of Master of Architecture (Professional) to the Faculty of Engineering and the Built Environment, School of Architecture and Planning at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2017 / The world is changing fast in every fi eld of technology. As technology rapidly develops, humans need to adapt to excessive learning and work loads, in order to meet the current society demands. Extreme stress accumulates, and nega vely aff ects peoples’ physical health. Stress causes many mental illnesses as well. However, many people avoid going to mental hospitals, because of the s gma or the nega ve stereotype associated with mental illness. Therefore, people try to relieve their stress in physical ways by exercising, travelling, or partaking in other leisure ac vi es. They use psychology, religion, therapy, or medita on to relieve their stress. Today, in South Korea, many people work long hours into the night and on the weekend. Many of these people cannot aff ord treatments that relieve stress, because they do not have the me or the money. Most South Koreans spend their days in their work space. In a highly compe ve work environment and networking environment created by social media, the South Korean people lose self-esteem. People blame the social structure and hierarchy for the defec ve working culture. People get depressed or lose their self-esteem by being submissive, rather than fully expressing their opinions especially regarding the ruling class. As a result, many people plan or consider emigra ng. South Koreans, o en forget or lose their iden es and essen al quali es. This document suggests that an urban medita on centre should be built close to the business districts in South Korea. People could visit the centre whenever they need a break from their tough working environment. Visitors to the medita on centre would use all their senses to feel alive, and to realise and reaffi rm their existence. Through this sensory experience, they would also be able to meditate and fi nd inner peace. This report aims to research how architecture can help to release stress in an urban context and how this space could enhance peoples’ various sensory experiences. Healing architecture explores all the human senses using the theory of phenomenology / XL2018

Depuis soixante ans la Corée est un pays divisé entre deux Etats, la République populaire démocratique de Corée au nord et la République de Corée au sud. On trouve des traces de la civilisation coréenne dès la préhistoire dans la péninsule. La nation coréenne va par la suite se développer progressivement pour aboutir à l'unité. C'est en 1910 que la Corée est annexée par le Japon jusqu'en 1945 date à laquelle elle sera libérée par les troupes soviétiques au nord du 38ème parallèle et par les troupes américaines au sud. Cette ligne de démarcation provisoire deviendra définitive suite à la création de deux gouvernements différents et à l'occupation du Sud par les troupes américaines. La guerre de Corée de 1950 à 1953 aggravera le sentiment que chaque Etat est bien distinct l'un de l'autre, laissant un antagonisme perdurer jusqu'à maintenant aboutissant à des accrochages politiques et militaires récurrents. Face à cette division imposée de l'extérieur, les deux Etats coréens se sont rapprochés pour coopérer dans certains domaines. La réunification semble être compromise depuis que le gouvernement conservateur au Sud est de retour, n'acceptant pas une réunification dans le cadre d'une confédération, système proposé par le Nord, le Sud préférant une réunification par absorption. Le problème de la réunification dépasse largement les frontières de la péninsule. Il concerne en premier lieu la Chine et les Etats-Unis. Le Japon est également concerné. L'Europe est absente du débat. La Fédération de Russie semble être le seul Etat puissant à ne pas trouver d'inconvénient à la réunification de la péninsule coréenne. / For already sixty years, Korea has been divided into two states, the Popular Democratic Republic of Korea in the North and the Republic of Korea in the South. The Korean civilisation exists in the korean peninsula since the era of the prehistory. The Korean nation will develop itself progressively and will be unified before its annexion by Japan from 1910 until 1945. Afterwards Korea will be free from Japan thanks to the armed intervention of the soviet troups above the 38th parallel and of the american troups below. This temporary demarcation line will become definitive after the creation of two governments and the occupation of the South by the american army. The Korean war from 1950 until 1953 will make the situation worse leaving side by side two governments leading to recurrent political and military conflicts. Because of this division imposed from the outside, the two Korean states came closer to each other to cooperate in certain fields. However the korean reunification seems to be compromised since the conservative government in the South came into power and refused the korean peninsula to be reunified using the system of confederation, the Republic of Korea prefering absorbing the North. The problem of the reunification overtake the borders of the peninsula. It concerns above all China and the United States. Japan is also concerned. Europe is missing from the debates. The Federation of Russia seems to be the only big power having no objection to the reunification of the korean peninsula and ready to help Korea to accomplish this goal.

Typescript (photocopy). / Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries / Department: Economics.

Thesis (M.A. (International Relations))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities, 2016 / The Six Party Talks is a multilateral forum created to facilitate the DPRK’s (the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, or North Korea) denuclearisation, between 2003 and 2007. This paper will look at how the character of the relationship that North Korea had with other states allowed the North to manipulate the Talks in such a way that it managed to continue with its nuclear weapons programme. The content of these Talks makes them unique and shows how power perception (heightened in negotiations that involve a focus on deterrence, state survival and regional stability) dictates outcomes. The intent of the study is to explore how ‘power’ can be manipulated because it has to be mediated by perception. In essence, ‘perception’ creates a space for North Korea to manipulate the ‘reality’ within which all the states involved function. This study aims to show that it can build on currently existing assumptions that relate to negotiation and power, specifically Zartman’s explanation of power as a perceived relation. The paper argues that within the context of denuclearisation, the understanding of power perception needs to be qualified. It explores whether, in the context of the Six Party Talks in particular, ‘power’ can be analysed with a purely realist paradigm. Constructed meanings for resources that seem to exist purely within an objective reality (for realists) can alter the value of these resources. The argument therefore builds onto the realist foundation of Zartman’s approach to the analysis of negotiations, by showing how a state like North Korea can change the value of an objective reality by creating certain meanings for the elements that comprise this reality. It is interested in building on certain assumptions made by realists (including Hans Morgenthau (1993)), as well as certain assumptions concerning a structural approach to the analysis of negotiations (Zartman 2008: 100); in order to provide a more nuanced perspective regarding North Korea’s behaviour during the Six Party Talks, in relation to its interactions towards the other parties in the Talks (specifically the US, China and South Korea), as well as their reactions to the North’s provocations. To create this nuance, it uses constructivist elements to show how North Korea, during the time in which the Six Party Talks took place, manipulated reality to such an extent that it dictated the options that the other states had in relation to the DPRK’s nuclear weapons programme. / MT2017

This thesis examines and explains the development of the KEF between its formation in 1970 and 2003. Using a historical and case study approach, the thesis analyses the strategic behaviours of the KEF. The guiding questions shaping this thesis are drawn from the intersection of resource dependence theory and the literature on employer associations. In response to these questions, chronological narrative explains the development of Korea's political economy and industrial relations between 1970 and 2003 as it affected the KEF. It pays particular attention to the growth of the chaebols -- family-owned and controlled business conglomerates -- as political as well as economic forces, their changing relations with government and their labour management strategies. This thesis argues that when Korea's chaebol owners formed their association, the KEF, they did so in the absence of immediate clear or concrete challenges to their business interests. Instead, they evaluated the likelihood of some future external challenges and chose to act on these perceptions. In particular, they strategically chose to prepare for the possible re-emergence of an independent labour movement many years into the future rather than trust forever in governments? repressive systems of labour control. Resource dependence theory proved useful for examining the KEF's internal dynamics. The KEF and its chaebol members were linked through asymmetric inter-dependence. The chaebols dominated KEF membership, took financial responsibility for KEF operations and formally ruled through its governance structure. The KEF's high dependence on the chaebols inhibited any shift away from its chaebol-dominated profile. This also meant that the KEF leadership found it extremely difficult to exert control over member firms' behaviour. However, as the relationship between the chaebols and their external environment changed, internal power resources (industrial relations expertise) and external ones (a militant union movement, tripartite arrangements) helped the KEF Secretariat increase its authority. This allowed it to achieve greater discretionary power in its internal and external domains.