Iraq is one of the world’s major oil suppliers, and over ninety percent of its government revenues come from oil exports. Developing an oil management strategy that politicians from all sects and ethnic groups can agree on is therefore paramount to the future political and economic health of the Iraqi state. Yet the new Iraqi government cannot agree on a comprehensive hydrocarbons framework that would allocate oil ownership rights and share revenues eight years after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. One major political battle preventing Iraq from developing its hydrocarbons industry is over the nature of federalism among all of the sects battling for oil wealth in Iraq. This paper focuses primarily on the issue between Kurds and Arabs, because the Kurds have actively promoted oil exploration. The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) is now a constitutionally-protected region, and has signed 37 production sharing agreement contracts with international oil companies. The federal government in Baghdad deems these contracts illegal. The KRG and Baghdad also cannot agree on the borders for the region, as both sides claim oil-rich Kirkuk. This paper analyses major developments in the KRG and Baghdad oil industries since 2003 and examines possible future scenarios for the country’s oil sector. Drawing on international lessons learned from other oil-rich divided societies such as Nigeria, Sudan, Indonesia, and the United Arab Emirates, the paper suggest that oil ownership and revenue allocation should be decentralized to reduce secessionist pressure. The paper concludes with recommendations that the government needs to not only take care of obvious issues such as resolving ambiguities in the constitution and passing comprehensive hydrocarbons legislation, but it also needs to address export agreements and institute measures to ensure transparency. The KRG needs to develop its own oil industry, complete with access to export pipelines, and should be allowed to keep a higher percentage of KRG oil revenue over its current 17%. Iraq needs international mediation to resolve issues on Kirkuk and should also make innovative changes to the structure of its national oil company. These changes will facilitate the proper investing of oil wealth for future generations of Iraqis. / text

The purpose of this study was to assess planning and delivering agricultural extension activities in the Kurdistan region of Iraq for future program implementation. The study was a descriptive research and used a modified Delphi technique to identify needed improvements and highlight barriers in planning and delivering extension activities by the willingness of extension workers. The population of the study was 50 MOAWR purposely selected government employees consisted of 10 extension experts, 15 extension administrators, and 25 extension agents. The study used three rounds web-based survey questionnaires. In Round I, the panelists were responded to two open ended questions to identify needed improvements and barriers in planning and delivering extension activities. The gathered information from Round I was examined, organized, and combined to create the second questionnaire for Round II. In Round II, the panelists were indicated their levels of agreement or disagreement about each needed improvement and barrier. The study employed a six-Likert scale with 1=”Strongly Agree”, 2=”Agree”, 3=”Somewhat Agree”, 4=”Somewhat Disagree”, 5=”Disagree”, and 6=”Strongly Disagree”. The needed improvements and barriers that received two-thirds of agreement (numbers 1 and 2 in the six-point Likert scale) were used to create the third questionnaire for Round III. In Round III, panelists were developed consensus by rating the statements that received two-third agreement in Round II. Equally, the same Round II six-point Likert scale was used in Round III. The result findings of the study were revealed to the demands of extension policy implementation in the region. The results of the study were summarized in three overall implementation theme areas: community based program development, building capacity program, and institutional structuring and three distinct research areas: leadership in extension, personal traits of extension agents, and external communication. Furthermore, the results of the study provided key points and details for each implementation theme and distinct research area.

Congenital heart disease affects tens of thousands of children and families throughout Iraq, where complex surgical treatment remains largely unavailable. Through participant-observation and in-depth interviews, I investigated the understandings of this disorder among families in two areas: Kurdish northern Iraq and Arab southern Iraq. I pay particular attention to families’ perspectives on causes and treatment of the disorder in relation to historical and current macrosocial forces. Among the families I spoke with, there is a strong connection between the recent history of violence in Iraq and congenital heart disease. This thesis is largely an attempt to understand the uses and implications of this connection between sickness and violence for Iraqi families pursuing treatment through an international non-governmental organization.

Alliansbildningsbeteende är ett viktigt och intressant ämne inom internationell politik och i internationella relationer.  Enligt den traditionella maktbalansteorin allierar sig stater med andra stater för att balansera mot externa hot. I Steven R. Davids ”omnibalancing-teori” hävdas däremot att statsledare i tredjevärlden allierar sig med stater för att bekämpa interna hot. I föreliggande examensarbete, som är en fallstudie, är ambitionen att visa att turkiska republikens relation med Kurdistanregionen i Irak är ett fall av ”omnibalancering” såtillvida att Turkiet därigenom söker hålla den kurdiska rörelsen på hemmaplan i schack. Därför står Turkiet emot ett kurdiskt självstyre i Västra Kurdistan, syriska Kurdistan (Rojava), som har ideologiska kopplingar till den kurdiska rörelsen i turkiska Kurdistan (Norra Kurdistan). Med hänsyn till andra faktorer i relationer mellan stater (t ex i Turkiets relation till Södra Kurdistan) kan man uppmärksamma ekonomi- och energifrågorna. Vidare visar resultaten av fallstudier att etniska problem som ett internt hot påverkar statens utrikespolitik och alliansbeteende.

This thesis examines the principle of national self-determination as it pertained to the Kurdish population of the Middle East after the First World War and the legacy that it has left behind. The end of the War was characterized by a shift from empires to the European state system. This transition necessitated the redrawing of political borders. As victors of the War, Britain, France, Italy, and the United States of America had the power to influence the future of the continent in terms of creating nation-states. While nation-states were created in Europe, a mandate system was implemented in the Middle East. The Great Powers divided the Middle East into British and French spheres of influence. In so doing, the Kurds were left without a state. This research provides a case study for the Kurds at the close of the First World War and examines the obstacles they face today as the struggle for autonomy continues.

Ethnic conflicts go far back in time, but what are the causes of ethnic conflicts? By applying theories concerning ethnicity, ethnic groups and ethnic identity, we find that the causes behind ethnic conflicts consist of a number of factors that include perceptions, behaviors, actions and political orientations. How do the study's causes appear in The Turkish-Kurdish conflict, where the Kurdish population tends to become increasingly independent, but this tendency can be a cause of conflict in itself. This study examines the causes behind ethnic conflicts in general from four selected perspectives; primordialism, nationalism, constructivism, and social capitalism. There are few terms used in this ethnic conflict research, including; ethnicity, ethnic identity, and ethnic group. These concepts are used in connection with the theories as a starting point for answering the study's questions.

This research will focus on the minority position of the Kurdish population in Turkey and how it has developed over time. The aim is to study particular historical and recent events that have affected the Kurdish population to understand why the Kurdish people are one of the world’s largest minority populations without an independent state. This research utilizes a qualitative case study employing text analysis of scholars and treaties such as the Lausanne and Sevres Treaty. The theory that will be used during this research will be neorealism with the main philosophy being that state emphasizes an interest in power to secure security in an anarchic world. The state is the most important actor in any position regardless of the event occurring around it which also is the reasons behind the Kurdish minority position and why they have not reached independence.

Den här uppsatsen behandlar ämnet varför vissa utbrytarstater kan uppnå ett internationellt erkännande medan andra inte gör det, mer specifikt om varför Sverige har erkänt Palestina men inte Kurdistan. Syftet med uppsatsen är att försöka avgöra vilka motiv som ligger bakom besluten utifrån ett deklaratoriskt och konstitutivt perspektiv, alltså teorier som behandlar internationellt erkännande av stater.     För att kunna diskutera och få en tydligare bild av hur Sveriges utrikesdepartement arbetar med erkännanden av stater behövs en översiktlig redogörelse för vad som faktiskt är en stat. Den gängse meningen brukar vara att Montevideokonventionen från 1933 innehåller de kriterier som är grundläggande för att erkännas som en självständig stat. För att bli internationellt erkänd krävs oftast en överenskommelse med moderstaten. Här har de två olika teorierna olika kriterier för att ge rätt till ett erkännande.     Metoden som har tillämpats är en motivanalys där ett analysschema ställdes upp utifrån båda teorierna. Studiens resultat visar att den konstitutiva teorin har ett starkare förklaringsvärde i att förklara motiven bakom beslutet att erkänna Palestina men inte Kurdistan.

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Principen om självbestämmanderätt har utvecklats från att vara ett politiskt krav till en åberopbar juridisk rättighet i och med antagandet av Förenta Nationernas stadga 1945. Sedan dess har principen blivit sedvanerätt. Självbestämmanderätten har spelat en avgörande roll i att tiotals kolonier har blivit självständiga länder och suveräna stater under 1960 och 1970 talen i enlighet med FN:s avkolonialiserings resolutionen 1514 från 1960 (Avkoloniseringsdeklarationen-1960). Principen har ytterligare förstärkts genom FN:s resolution 2625 Friendly Relations Deklarationen (FRD-1970). FRD:s innehåll anses vara sedvanerätt (ICJ-Nicaragua Case). Genom FRD har för första gången självbestämmanderätten fått företräde före statssuveräniteten när en minoritet utsätts för ett omfattande förtyck eller förvägras rätten till intern självbestämmande inom moderstatens gränser och när moderstatens regering inte representerar hela befolkningen.   Koloniala makter, Storbritannien och Frankrike, ritade Mellanösterns karta 1916 genom att dra gränserna för fyra av de nya staterna genom Kurdistan vilket gjorde att Mellanösterns fjärde största folkgrupp, kurderna, hamnade som minoritet i de nybildade staterna (Turkiet, Iran, Syrien och Irak) efter första världskriget. Avkoloniserings resolutionen har inte tillämpats i kurder och Kurdistans fall trots att kurderna situation var en följd av de koloniala gränsdragningar. Resolutionen 1514 tolkades på ett sådant sätt att den kunde omfatta bara kolonialiserade territorier som inte hängde fysiskt ihop med moderstatens och territoriets folk skilde sig etniskt, språkligt och kulturellt från moderstatens befolkning.    Kurder och Kurdistans fall har varken prövats i enlighet med FRD som under vissa omständigheter ger minoriteter extern självbestämmanderätt eller enligt avkoloniserings- deklaration av Internationella domstolen, ICJ. Denna uppsats studerar förutsättningarna för kurdernas rätt till självbestämmande och Kurdistans självständighet med utgångspunkten i dagens folkrätt uttryckt annorlunda hur ser det ut relationen kurdernas anspråk på självbestämmande och självständighet och folkrätten.