This thesis is a detailed account of Zimbabwe's controversial fast-track land reform programme. Zimbabwe's land reform history has been discussed extensively, with a focus on land redistribution. The fast-track land reform programme transferred eleven million hectares of land from 4 000 white commercial farmers to 51 543 landless peasant families. The thesis begins by offering some land reform theories and gives an overview of the land question in Southern Africa. This is followed by a discussion of Zimbabwe's land question from a historical perspective. Next is a periodised account of the successes and failures of land reform attempts made by the Zimbabwean government from independence in 1980 to 1998 when the fast-track land reform programme was conceived. Zimbabwe's political and economic situation at this time is significant. The context for fast-track land reform includes a discussion about the national question in Zimbabwe and the deteriorating status of white citizenship; the rise of Zimbabwe's liberation war veterans as a formidable force and the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change as a strong political party that was challenging, among others, the dominance of the ruling Zanu-PF party and its policies. The blueprint for fast-track land reform is discussed in order to contrast it to how the reform unfolded in practice. In this regard, the response of the international community to the violence and lawlessness that characterised fast-track land reform is worth mentioning, especially since it has bearing on how Zimbabweans are trying to cope with life in a radically altered physical and social environment, following the land reform exercise. The consequences of fast-track land reform are analysed in terms of development and the plight of Zimbabwe's farm workers; the internal displacement of hundreds of thousands of farm workers, white commercial farmers and others in Zimbabwe's countryside and whether or not fast-track land reform beneficiaries can successfully engage in agriculture to improve their standard of living. The Vumba and Burma Valley case study is illustrative of how fasttrack land reform was implemented and its socio-economic impact on Zimbabwe's poor and marginalised groups, for instance, female farm workers. The case study offers valuable insights about the survival strategies that ordinary people affected by the land reform exercise are adopting in order to cope with their new circumstances. Data was gathered from a focus group discussion (pilot study), in-depth semi-structured interviews and observation on three farms, as well as interviews with a few government officials, government documents and newspaper reports. The study is useful to countries that are planning or already implementing land reform, for example, South Africa.

Zimbabwean rural women make significant contribution to agriculture and are the mainstay of the farm labour. Although women do the majority of agricultural work, men, for the most part continue to own the land, control women‟s labour and make agricultural decisions supported by patriarchal social systems. Thus, rural women faced difficulties than men in gaining access to land under Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP). Women‟s relationship with land is therefore through husbands, fathers, brothers or sons. Therefore, this study has undertaken with the objective of assessing the impact of land distribution programme with respect to its contribution to women‟s empowerment in the study area. The Gender and Development approach was employed to assess women access to land under the FTLRP. Such an approach to rural development can help in reducing the gender gap between women and men in order to achieve gender-balanced development. The study used qualitative research methodology where semi-structured interviews gather data from women in Mutasa District. Findings indicate that there are a number of challenges and constraints that are experienced by rural women under the Fast Track Land Reform Programme which include male land registration, no access to credit, inadequate government input support, lack of government laws and policies awareness on women land rights, shortage of farm implements and irrigation water supply and lack of agriculture training. On the other hand, culture and traditional practices still affect women in other cases, disadvantaging them in favour of men, as in inheritance of land and property in the household. It was generally assumed that the programme did not improve women access to land. To improve women access to land, in future, the study recommends that a serious intervention by the state should occur coupled with the revitalization of the programme and a paradigm shift towards an effective food security programme which emphasizes women and their important role in agriculture.

The main question of this thesis is to what extent the rights-based and market-driven nature of the restitution program has given rise to a legalistic and bureaucratic process that negates both the demand-driven and the developmental aspects of restitution as land reform. I answer this question by showing that the choice of a Constitutional model with a Bill of Rights provides the background for a rights-based land reform program. This is especially true for the restitution sub-program, one of the three branches along with redistribution and tenure of the overall land reform program. I then consider the debate around the property clause, and how its inclusion provided the context for a market and rights-based approach to land reform as opposed to a supply-led administrative approach. Because the property clause as a First Generation right prevents expropriation of land without market-related compensation, a complex and legalistic land reform program falling within the ambit of Second Generation rights was formulated to address the gross imbalance in land ownership in South Africa. I argue that the contemporary origin of Second Generation human rights lies within the context of class and anti-globalisation struggles for democracy, and that they are something to be fought for and defended. I discuss the distinction between First, Second and Third Generation rights and identify four spheres within which the struggle for Second and Third Generation rights takes place within modern democratic states. These are the state, the representative public sphere, civil society and the private sphere. I then deal with the problem of trying to turn "paper rights" into realisable rights for the more disadvantaged sectors of society. I also look at what impedes their realisation. I argue that a number of strategies are necessary to ensure the delivery of Second and Third Generation rights. These are an adequate legislative framework, a good communication strategy, the development of institutional capacity to deliver, and if all else fails, access to conflict resolution mechanisms. I consider the major impediments to the realisation of Second and Third Generation rights to be the way in which they are defined in relation to First Generation rights, especially the property clause, the way in which access to rights-backed resources through formal institutions are mediated by the operation of informal institutions, and the dearth of administrative competence in South Africa. My point is that in order for Second and Third Generation rights to have practical benefit for the dispossessed and poor, extraordinary measures are needed. The Restitution arm of the land reform program provides in theory just such extraordinary measures, albeit for only a section of the population. I analyse the effectiveness of the Land Claims Court in assisting restitution claimants and the rural poor to realize their rights. I trace the slow and haphazard shift from a positivistic statutory interpretation (narrow, literal, legalistic) to a purposive interpretation (informed by the Constitutional spirit and social purpose of the legislation) by the Court. This is followed by an analysis of the restitution business process, which means tracing the path of the claim from lodgement to settlement. I set out the costly, complex and legalistic implementation and policy process in some detail. My argument is that in order for a rights-based approach to overcome the impediments outlined in Chapter 3, as well as the property clause in the Constitution, its architects designed a complex process that in the end proved counter-productive in terms of its original aims. The failure of the process to deliver led in 1998 the then Minister of Land Affairs, Derek Hannekom, to appoint a Ministerial Review to investigate the problems. Problems included: slowness of delivery, the crisis of unplannability, low levels of trust between implementers, and high levels of frustration. Two issues are analysed more fully, the rights-driven approach as opposed to the rights-based approach and the lack of claimant participation in taking control of the restitution process. I examine the relationship of the Restitution Commission to the Department of Land Affairs and to municipal land use planning processes. The emphasis on rights within the restitution program had the effect of distancing restitution, especially in the first few years of the programs' existence, from the rest of the land reform program, as well as from the local government process of formulating land development objectives (LDOs), and the Integrated Development Planning (lOP) process. I look at the Port Elizabeth Land and Community Restoration Association (Pelcra) as a case study as it embodies an approach that tries to move beyond a mere reclaiming of rights in land and attempts to implement a developmental approach. I conclude that the rights-based restitution program in spite of its many shortcomings has had some success. It has moved slowly from an overly legalistic judicial program to a more administrative but still bureaucratic process, that has delivered only 27 percent of its product as land reform, the rest going to monetary compensation mainly in urban areas. Thus it can be argued that restitution has been more successful as a program to promote reconciliation along the lines of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, than as a land reform program, especially if one regards land reform as the restoration of rural land to the indigenous population. There have also been some successful attempts by the Commission, such as in the case of PELCRA, to integrate the processing of its claims with local government planning processes, but progress in this direction remains patchy.

This diploma thesis called "Assessment of changes in land tenure and land use in selected locality" is divided into a theoretical and practical part. In the first part, there is written a literary research, introducing the issue of land tenure in the Czech Republic. In the research, there is a comprehensive overview of historical registers of land tenure, coupled with major historical events and milestones affecting land ownership. Particular attention is paid here to the stable cadastre, from which is the practical part of this work based. An integral part of the research is the analysis of current land use of the Czech Republic, with the factors influencing it. The second part is devoted to the cadastral territory of Roupov, where a complete analysis and comparison of historical and current land use is made, together with comparison of ownership relations and evaluation of their mutual analogy within the time span between periods. Here are presented own map outputs, tables and charts. At the end of the thesis, attention was focused on identification of possible causes, causing changes in land use and comparison of land ownership.

A reforma agrária, como processo que busca dar acesso a posse da terra e aos meios de produção para os trabalhadores rurais que não a possuem, ou possuem em pequena quantidade, tem impacto não só no campo, mas na sociedade, na economia e na política. Há regiões em que causa alterações significativas, não apenas na qualidade de vida dos assentados, mas também no desenvolvimento da região em seu entorno. No entanto, há divergências de alguns segmentos da sociedade, que contrários a reforma agrária, insistem nos aspectos negativos de sua constituição, alegando improdutividade dos assentamentos, exigindo que as propriedades independentemente de seu tamanho e utilização, gerem lucros compatíveis a economia agrícola de mercado. Entretanto, para garantir qualidade de vida aos assentados, é necessário melhorias no setor econômico, ambiental e social, que não dependem apenas de agentes e fatores externos, dependem das escolhas e possibilidades de cada assentado, que assume papel fundamental na tomada de decisão e direcionamento de seu sistema produtivo. Este trabalho teve como principal objetivo estudar as racionalidades envolvidas nos sistemas produtivos de assentados, para compreender o que compõem estas racionalidades e se há influência nestas escolhas. A região estudada compreende os assentamentos do município de Passos Maia, em Santa Catarina. Para este trabalho, os assentados foram categorizados em três tipos, sendo entrevistados 10 assentados do tipo 1 - produção para comercialização; 10 assentados do tipo 2 - produção para subsistência; e 22 do tipo 3 - produção para comercialização e subsistência. Com o auxílio de roteiro semiestruturado foram realizadas 48 entrevistas (42 assentados e seis gestores locais). Utilizou-se de metodologia qualitativa (análise de discurso) e quantitativa para análise dos dados. Diferentes lógicas de relação com a agricultura, com a sociedade, com a terra e com o trabalho, levam a diferentes sistemas produtivos, que por vezes são modernizados, mas não por imposição da mediação e estas mudanças de sistema de produção não interferem nas relações de sociabilidade destes assentados. As motivações dos indivíduos para produzir estão relacionadas aos aspectos históricos, sociais, culturais e econômicos, estando ligados ainda à finalidade da alimentação da família ou ao acréscimo de renda. Fato é que a intervenção fundiária provoca alterações profundas e definitivas na vida dos beneficiários e a reação destas pessoas a essa nova realidade se manifesta individualmente, sendo decisiva para o sucesso na nova vida. Assim, cada assentado, precisa, em algum momento, ser considerado individualmente. / Land reform, as a process which intends to give access to land possession and means of production to the rural workers who own little or no land at all, impacts not only in the field but also in society, economy and politics. There are regions in which it causes significant changes, not only in quality of life of the settled, but also in the development of the region and its surroundings. However, there are differences in some segments of society, which are opposed to land reform, that insist on the negative aspects of its constitution, claiming improductivity of the settlement, requiring that the properties irrespective of its size and use, generate profits compatible with the agricultural economy in market. To ensure quality of life to the settled, it is necessary to improve the economic, environmental and social sectors, which do not depend only on agents and external factors, but also on the choices and possibilities of each settled, which takes and important part in deciding and directing their productive system. This work aimed to study the rationalities involved in the productive systems of the settled, to understand what these rationalities are consisted of and whether there are influences on mediation and modernization in these choices. The studied area include the settlement of the city of Passos Maia, in Santa Catarina state. For this work, the settled were classified in the types, being interviewed ten settled workers in category 1 - production to marketing; ten settled workers in category 2 - Production for subsistence; and twenty-two in category 3 - production for marketing and subsistence. With the help of semi structured script, fortyeight interviews were carried out (forty-two settled workers and six local managers). For the data analysis, it was used qualitative (speech analysis) and quantitative methodology. Different relationship logics with agriculture, with society, with land and with work, lead to different productive systems, which are sometimes modernized, but not because of imposed mediation and these changes in production systems do not interfere in social relations of these settled. The motivation of these people to produce is related to the historical, social, cultural and economical aspects, being also connected to the focus on feeding their families or to the extra income. The truth is that the land intervention causes deep and permanent changes in the benefited lives and the reaction of these people to this new reality is expressed individually, being decisive for the success in the new life. This way, each settled needs, in some point, be considered individually.

LL. M.(With specialisation in Private Law))

Esta tese tem como objeto central a Federação das Associações Rurais do Rio Grande do Sul (Farsul) no período que compreende os anos finais da década de 1950 e o início dos anos 1960. A análise focaliza as práticas de atuação e mobilização dos ruralistas gaúchos agremiados em torno da Farsul naquele contexto, marcado pela emergência de inúmeros projetos de reforma agrária no estado e no país e pelo vigor dos movimentos de luta pela terra. As ações da Federação e de seus representados foram pautadas, em grande medida, pelo surgimento, em 1960, do Movimento dos Agricultores Sem Terra do Rio Grande do Sul e pela política agrária proposta pelo então governador Leonel Brizola (PTB). Neste sentido, examino a atuação da entidade diante deste cenário, partindo de dados sobre a formação histórica da entidade, sua estrutura organizativa e o perfil de seus quadros dirigentes – mais especificamente aqueles que assumiram cargos de presidentes e vice-presidentes no período. A partir da análise de documentos produzidos pela própria Federação, notícias e notas públicas divulgadas em jornais da grande imprensa e discursos reproduzidos nos anais da Assembleia Legislativa do estado, busco delinear os contornos do debate ruralista, as estratégias utilizadas para mobilizar e dar coesão aos seus membros, bem como as nuances e divergências em seu interior. Por fim, busco analisar as posições assumidas pela entidade diante dos projetos de reforma agrária patrocinados pelo governo Jango e as mobilizações e articulações da Farsul no processo que culminou com o Golpe de 1964. / This thesis examines the Federation of Rural Associations of Rio Grande do Sul (Farsul) in the period comprising the final years of the 1950‘s and the early 1960‘s. The analysis focuses on the practices of action and mobilization of the ruralists represented by Farsul in that context marked by the emergence of many land reform projects in the state and in the country and by the force of the land movements. The actions of the Federation and its represented were guided largely by the appearance in 1960 of the Movement of Landless Farmers of Rio Grande do Sul and the agrarian policy proposed by the governor Brizola (PTB). In this sense, I examine the entity activities on this scenario, from data on the historical formation of the entity, its organizational structure and the profile of its managers - specifically those who have assumed positions of presidents and vice-presidents in the period. From the analysis of documents produced by the Federation, public news and notes published in newspapers of the mainstream press and speeches reproduced in the annals of the State Legislative Assembly, I seek to outline the contours of the ruralist debate, the strategies used to mobilize and give cohesion to their members as well as the nuances and differences within. Finally, I intend to analyze the positions taken by the entity towards the land reform projects sponsored by the Jango government and Farsul mobilizations and articulations in the process that culminated in the 1964 coup d‘etat.

Submitted by Johnny Rodrigues (johnnyrodrigues@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-10-02T17:07:58Z No. of bitstreams: 1 FELIPE OTÁVIO CAMPELO E SILVA - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 2008..pdf: 40405806 bytes, checksum: 9968a86bc8ee13c3b40e45fcff8a0f5e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-02T17:07:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FELIPE OTÁVIO CAMPELO E SILVA - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 2008..pdf: 40405806 bytes, checksum: 9968a86bc8ee13c3b40e45fcff8a0f5e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / O modelo agrícola implementado na região norte do Tocantins nos últimos 50 anos, a partir do projeto de expansão da fronteira agrícola na região amazônica, tem intensificado tanto o acirramento nos conflitos pela posse da terra, como causado impactos ambientais significativos. A lógica econômica homogeneizadora baseada na instalação de extensos latifúndios para a prática da pecuária extensiva do gado, nas décadas de 60 e 70, deixaram heranças ambientais, sociais, políticas, econômicas e culturais, significativas para centenas de assentamentos que se formaram na região a partir do final da década de 80. Este trabalho procura focalizar, as relações entre os processos sociais ocorridos na região norte do Tocantins nesse período, e, as influências que esses exerceram sobre as escolhas das estratégias produtivas das famílias assentadas no Projeto de Assentamento Io de Janeiro, bem como as consequências ambientais decorrentes. Identificamos que as escolhas das estratégias produtivas adotadas pelas famílias em suas trajetórias de vida no tempo anterior ao assentamento, estão atreladas em grande parte, às relações de poder estabelecidas em torno da posse da terra, marcada pelo avanço da força oligárquica rural na região. Já no tempo de assentamento, fatores econômicos, políticos e ambientais, exercerão influências determinantes nas escolhas das estratégias produtivas, através de constrangimentos que exigirão constantes modificações por parte das famílias assentadas. O processo de pecuarização da região se mantém também, na estratégia produtiva da maioria das famílias assentadas, intensificando o processo de degradação ambiental da área, tendo como elemento fomentador, à atuação do mercado, a elevada produtividade do trabalho, as heranças ambientais e de infra-estruturas, bem como, a atuação do estado com suas práticas autoritárias e atreladas às elites rurais locais. O processo de intensificação da degradação das pastagens tem levado muitas famílias a elevarem o efetivo pecuário nos lotes, para compensarem as baixas produtividades, estabelecendo um ciclo de degradação ambiental e empobrecimento econômico, que tem colocado a temática ambiental no âmbito do debate sobre a reforma agrária na região. A manutenção da lógica produtiva de diversificação de culturas agrícolas destinadas principalmente à subsistência alimentar e venda de excedentes para o mercado local, aliado a criação de pequenos animais, ainda se faz presente em grande parte das famílias assentadas, o que em determinada maneira tem contribuído na garantia do atendimento das necessidades básicas das famílias, porém as áreas de pastagens se destacam na ocupação territorial dos lotes, e tem atuado como um elemento concorrente da estratégia camponesa de manutenção do ciclo energético na propriedade. As estratégias produtivas são pensadas então, dentro de uma lógica de manutenção da capacidade reprodutiva das famílias, onde o gado se torna um elemento de "resistência" camponesa, uma alternativa de permanência sobre o lote dentro de um ambiente altamente adverso para outras estratégias, mesmo que contraditório e insustentável em médio prazo. Nesse sentido, urge a atuação em rede de setores da sociedade civil e estado, no sentido de criar alternativas sustentáveis produtivas, ações de recuperação ambiental dos assentamentos, estimulando as práticas agroecológicas e o acesso ao mercado desses produtos

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia, 2015. / Submitted by Albânia Cézar de Melo (albania@bce.unb.br) on 2016-04-01T15:24:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_NataliaAdrielePereiraSousa.pdf: 1243153 bytes, checksum: c1952defd537168fe594647c97077d1b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Raquel Viana(raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2016-04-01T19:23:03Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_NataliaAdrielePereiraSousa.pdf: 1243153 bytes, checksum: c1952defd537168fe594647c97077d1b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-01T19:23:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_NataliaAdrielePereiraSousa.pdf: 1243153 bytes, checksum: c1952defd537168fe594647c97077d1b (MD5) / As expropriações de terra chanceladas por leis foi um dos pilares do sistema de segregação racial implementado na África do Sul durante o colonialismo e o regime do apartheid (1948-1994). A reforma da terra (programa governamental de restituição/ redistribuição das terras roubadas da população negra) foi, e continua sendo, um dos principais desafios para a efetivação da democracia no país. A criação de atos foram um dos principais instrumentos utilizados pelo Estado sul-africano para lidar com os paradoxos da restituição de direitos. O governo de Jacob Zuma (2009-2014) foi marcado pela criação de novas instituições e de novos marcos legais no que tange as políticas de reforma da terra. Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar as disputas e controvérsias suscitadas pela criação do novo marco legal sobre reforma da terra. As disputas sobre o tema no debate público (reuniões de grupos de trabalho, reuniões do parlamento, mídia, declarações públicas) nos permitem compor os quadros ideológicos relacionados à reforma da terra, contribuindo para um melhor entendimento da dinâmica da ação política acerca da questão da terra no país. _______________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / The land dispossession stamped by acts was one of the pillars of the segregation system implemented in South Africa during the colonialism and the apartheid (1948- 1994). The land reform (government program of restitution / redistribution of land stolen from blacks) was, and remains, a major challenge for the realization of democracy in the country. Creating acts were one of the main instruments used by the South African state to deal with the paradoxes of rights restitution. The Jacob Zuma's government (2009-2014) was marked by the creation of new institutions and new legal frameworks regarding the land reform policies. This dissertation aims to analyze the disputes and controversies arising from the creation of the new legal framework on land reform. Disputes on the topic in the public debate (meetings of working groups, meetings of parliament, the media, public statements) allow us to compose the ideological frameworks related to land reform, contributing to a better understanding of political action of the dynamics on the issue of land in the country.

The purpose of the research is to assess how the Port Elizabeth Land and Community Restoration project has been perceived by the beneficiaries with regard to spatial transformation.The study is about land restitution programme in Port Elizabeth; with specific emphasis on those land claims which were lodged through a community based organization called Port Elizabeth Land and Community Restoration Association (PELCRA) for the restitution of Fairview, South End, Salisbury Park and Korsten. Such land claims were subsequently part of the PELCRA project for the restitution of Fairview. The study looks specifically at claimants who were dispossessed of their land rights as a result of the implementation of Group Areas Act in the 1960s. The claimants were forcefully removed from Fairview, Korsten, South End and Salisbury Park to their respective race group areas, such as Bloemendal for coloureds, Malabar for Indians and Kwa-Zakhele for Africans.However, before the general objectives of the study could be discussed, it is important to provide a brief historical context that brought about racial segregation in the South African urban setting, and how the post-apartheid government sought to re-integrate, restructure the towns and cities, as well as healing the boundaries set by racial zoning through land reform. This will then followed by the discussion on how the various communities of Port Elizabeth responded to the introduction of the Land Restitution Act 22 of 1994. The post-apartheid government in South Africa faces serious challenges in undoing the legacy of apartheid. One such product of apartheid system is the ‘apartheid city’. It stands out as an extreme example of social engineering. According to Freund (2001, 537) urban segregation was pervasive across the colonial world, some other cities in colonial and even post-colonial Africa were subject to massive forced removals or urbanisation that were comparable to South Africa under the apartheid regime. Urban segregation is therefore not unique to South Africa. It has to be said though that the South African apartheid city was distinctive in a number of ways.