John Milton (1608 1674) é conhecido não só como o poeta do épico Paraíso perdido, mas também como um dos grandes teóricos e polemistas do período das Guerras Civis Inglesas. Seu principal tema é o problema da liberdade em um reino que se transformou segundo ele em uma tirania de reis e potentados religiosos, onde o súdito não era mais adequadamente representado por seu soberano; de acordo com Milton, como o rei não era mais o representante justo do reino, ele não deveria mais exercer as suas funções, sendo necessária a sua deposição e, em alguns casos extremos, o regicídio (como foi defendido pelo próprio poeta); assim, a solução proposta junto com outros panfletários anti-realistas, que nunca atingiram a riqueza retórica e a ousadia teórica de Milton é o surgimento de uma república inglesa, inspirada nos moldes ciceronianos e de clara influência secular-humanista. A partir de agora, o verdadeiro representante do governo deve ser o povo, mais precisamente a commonwealth, formada por indivíduos capazes de dominar as paixões que os podem transformá-los em escravos e viver de acordo com a vontade da razão e da prudência. A liberdade interior dos membros desta república se dá dentro desta commonwealth, onde eles podem exercer a liberdade civil (em que o indivíduo pode viver com tranqüilidade desde que respeite as leis da república), a liberdade doméstica (em que se pode escolher qual é o tipo de educação que pretende ter, quais são as pessoas com quem pretende se relacionar, etc.) e a liberdade religiosa (a possibilidade de escolher uma religião sem a interferência do governo ou de qualquer outra seita religiosa que se classifique como oficial). / John Milton (1608 - 1674) is known not only for his epic Paradise Lost, but also as one of the great theorists and polemicists of the period of the English Civil Wars. Its main theme is the problem of freedom in a kingdom that has become a tyranny of kings and religious potentates, where the subject was not properly represented by his sovereign; according to Milton, as the king was no longer the right representative of the kingdom, he should no longer perform his duties, requiring the deposition and in some extreme cases, the regicide (as argued by him); thus, the proposed solution along with other anti-royalist pamphleteers, who never reached Milton´s rhetoric and the theoretical boldness is the emergence of an English republic. From now on, the true representative of the government should be the people, specifically the commonwealth, made up of individuals able to master the passions that can turn them into slaves and live according to the will of reason and prudence. The Freedom of the Republic takes place within this commonwealth, where its members can exercise civil liberty (in which the individual can live with peace of mind provided if it complies with the laws of the Republic), domestic freedom (where you can choose what kind education you want to have, who are the people you want to relate, etc.) and religious freedom (the ability to choose a religion without interference from the government or any other religious sect that classify them as \"official\").

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:16:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 28 / Nenhuma / A concepção da jurisdição declaratória do Direito está ultrapassada, não condizente ao Estado Democrático de Direito, em que o juiz é efetivo agente criador, muito embora ainda se vislumbre um descompasso entre o sentido comum teórico dos juristas e a nova postura do Poder Judiciário e dos operadores do Direito. Tal pode ser observado no corrente uso dos métodos interpretativos, que, sob pretensa objetividade, culmina por revestir de arbitrariedade a atividade interpretativa, sendo importante lançar o olhar sob o prisma da hermenêutica filosófica de Gadamer e Heidegger, em que o processo interpretativo é único, no qual se dá a compreensão-interpretação-aplicação.Com esse horizonte, é que são examinados os direitos fundamentais à vida privada e à liberdade de expressão e de comunicação, ambos explicitações do princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana, valor central do ordenamento jurídico. Os direitos fundamentais citados muito freqüentemente colidem entre si, em uma sociedade que perdeu suas referências éticas / The declaratory jurisdiction of law conception is exceeded, not suitable to the Democratic State of Law, where the judge is an effective creative agent, although it’s still possible to glimpse a contradiction between the theoretical common direction of the jurists and the new posture of the Judiciary Power and the law operators. Such can be observed in the current use of the interpretative methods, that, under pretense objectivity, culminates for covering with arbitrariness interpretative activity, being important to take a look under the prism of Gadamer’s and Heidegger’s philosophical hermeneutics, where the interpretative process is unique, in which the understanding-interpretation-application happens at the same time.With this horizon, the fundamental rights to the private life and the liberty of expression and communication are examined, both expressions of the principle of the dignity of the person human being, central value of the legal system. The cited fundamental rights very frequently collide betwe

John Milton (1608 1674) é conhecido não só como o poeta do épico Paraíso perdido, mas também como um dos grandes teóricos e polemistas do período das Guerras Civis Inglesas. Seu principal tema é o problema da liberdade em um reino que se transformou segundo ele em uma tirania de reis e potentados religiosos, onde o súdito não era mais adequadamente representado por seu soberano; de acordo com Milton, como o rei não era mais o representante justo do reino, ele não deveria mais exercer as suas funções, sendo necessária a sua deposição e, em alguns casos extremos, o regicídio (como foi defendido pelo próprio poeta); assim, a solução proposta junto com outros panfletários anti-realistas, que nunca atingiram a riqueza retórica e a ousadia teórica de Milton é o surgimento de uma república inglesa, inspirada nos moldes ciceronianos e de clara influência secular-humanista. A partir de agora, o verdadeiro representante do governo deve ser o povo, mais precisamente a commonwealth, formada por indivíduos capazes de dominar as paixões que os podem transformá-los em escravos e viver de acordo com a vontade da razão e da prudência. A liberdade interior dos membros desta república se dá dentro desta commonwealth, onde eles podem exercer a liberdade civil (em que o indivíduo pode viver com tranqüilidade desde que respeite as leis da república), a liberdade doméstica (em que se pode escolher qual é o tipo de educação que pretende ter, quais são as pessoas com quem pretende se relacionar, etc.) e a liberdade religiosa (a possibilidade de escolher uma religião sem a interferência do governo ou de qualquer outra seita religiosa que se classifique como oficial). / John Milton (1608 - 1674) is known not only for his epic Paradise Lost, but also as one of the great theorists and polemicists of the period of the English Civil Wars. Its main theme is the problem of freedom in a kingdom that has become a tyranny of kings and religious potentates, where the subject was not properly represented by his sovereign; according to Milton, as the king was no longer the right representative of the kingdom, he should no longer perform his duties, requiring the deposition and in some extreme cases, the regicide (as argued by him); thus, the proposed solution along with other anti-royalist pamphleteers, who never reached Milton´s rhetoric and the theoretical boldness is the emergence of an English republic. From now on, the true representative of the government should be the people, specifically the commonwealth, made up of individuals able to master the passions that can turn them into slaves and live according to the will of reason and prudence. The Freedom of the Republic takes place within this commonwealth, where its members can exercise civil liberty (in which the individual can live with peace of mind provided if it complies with the laws of the Republic), domestic freedom (where you can choose what kind education you want to have, who are the people you want to relate, etc.) and religious freedom (the ability to choose a religion without interference from the government or any other religious sect that classify them as \"official\").

The discussion regarding the second amendment and gun control in the United States has been a controversial and highly debated topic for many years. However, with the several school shootings taking place, the discussion about gun controls has been taken to a new level. The purpose of this essay is to give an overview of the debate and answer to the main question ”how is the relationship between freedom and rights expressed in the debate about strengthened gun control, in relation to positive and negative liberty, and over time?  In order to achieve the purpose, three different kinds of analyzes have been made. First, two pro-contra analyzes were made on two different occasions. Next, the arguments found was examined through two concepts of liberty: positive and negative liberty. Lastly, a comparison was made between the arguments from the two different occasions. The results show that there are three different core issues in the debate, and that positive liberty is dominating the pro-gun control side, while negative liberty and individual rights are dominating the contra-gun control side. The debate has not been going through a radical change. However, some arguments have grown stronger over the years.

The current paper examines the dissimilarities that have occurred in news framing by state-sponsored news outlets in their different language versions. The comparative framing analysis is conducted on the news coverage of the Russian intervention in Syria (2016) in RT and Radio Liberty in Russian and English languages. The certain discrepancies in framing of this event are found in both news outlets. The strongest distinction between Russian and English versions occurred in framing of responsibility and humanitarian crisis in Syria. The study attempts to explain the identified differences in a framework of public diplomacy and propaganda studies. The existing theories explain that political ideology and foreign policy orientation influences principles of state propaganda and state-sponsored international broadcasting. However, the current findings suggest that other influence factors may exist in the field – such as the local news discourse and the journalistic principles. This conclusion is preliminary, as there are not many studies with the comparable research design, which could support the current discussion. The studies of localized strategies of the international media (whether private networks or state-funded channels) can refine the current conclusions and bring a new perspective to global media studies. / <p>This thesis was supported by the Swedish Institute (Svenska Institutet) </p>

M. Tech. Business Information Systems / Information Technology projects can fail for any number of reasons and in some cases can result in considerable financial losses for the organisations that undertake them. One pattern of failure that has been observed but seldom studied is the IT project that seems to take on a life of its own, continuing to absorb valuable resources without reaching its objective. The research study investigated the different challenges and failures of IT projects and looked at the root causes of these failures and how to overcome them. This research study was informed by the use of a case study of Liberty Life, one of the largest financial service providers in South Africa. The primary research question that informs this research study is: How mature is the organisation in implementing Information Technology projects.

This thesis lays out a critique of the libertarian autonomy in Clark Pinnock's open theism. It contends that libertarian autonomy (defined as the choice to do otherwise) is unable to do justice to the fuller sense of freedom described in the biblical narrative. Offering more than a critique, this thesis suggests an alternative definition of freedom by qualifying Karl Barth's "freedom as obedience" as 'freedom as faithfulness'. As such, true freedom is contrasted to the autonomy that leads to evil, and is found beyond the false dichotomy of compatibilism and incompatibilism, heteronomy and autonomy. Freedom is recognized as a good gift of creation and a promise of the eschaton, and thus must be distanced from the shadow of evil which haunts human autonomy. Ultimately, this thesis contends that faithfulness to God as the source and call of life leads to responsive, transformative, and eschatologically unlimited freedom.

<p>The Laws is generally regarded as Plato’s attempt to engage with the practical realities of political life, as opposed to the more idealistic, or utopian, vision of the Republic. Yet modern scholars have often felt disquieted at the central role of religion in the Laws’ second-best city and regime. There are essentially the two dominant interpretations on offer today: either religion supports a repressive theocracy, which controls every aspect of the citizens’ lives to such an extent that even philosophy itself is discouraged, or religion is an example of the kind of noble lie, which the philosopher must deceive the citizens into believing—viz., that a god, not a man, is the author of the regime’s laws. I argue that neither of these interpretations do justice to the dialogue’s intricately dramatic structure, and therefore to Plato’s treatment of civil religion. What I propose is a third position in which Plato both takes seriously the social and political utility of religion, and views theology as a legitimate, and even necessary, subject of philosophical inquiry without going so far as to advocate theocracy as the second best form of regime. </p><p>I conclude that a proper focus on the dialogue form, combined with a careful historical analysis of Plato’s use of social and political institutions, reveals an innovative yet traditional form of civil religion, purified of the harmful influence of the poets, based on the authority of the oracle at Delphi, and grounded on a philosophical conception of god as the eternal source of order, wisdom, and all that is good. Through a union of traditional Delphic theology and Platonic natural theology, Plato gives the city of the Laws a common cult acceptable to philosopher and non-philosopher alike, and thus, not only bridges the gap between religion and philosophy, but also creates a sense of community, political identity, and social harmony—the prerequisites for political order and stability. The political theology of the Laws, therefore, provides a rational defense of the rule of law (νόμος) re-conceived as the application of divine Reason (νοῦς) to human affairs.</p> / Dissertation

This dissertation develops a new theory of specific and overall socio-political freedom and discusses its role in normative political theory. The aim is to dissolve some of the conceptual confusions that have often beset previous discussions and to develop a theoretical framework with which to approach questions of public policy. This dissertation consists of three parts. In the first part, I develop a new account that specifies under which conditions a person is specifically free and when she is unfree to do something. It is shown that republican accounts of freedom are unsatisfactory and that a trivalent liberal account that equates freedom with ability is most plausible. A new analysis of unfreedom is defended according to which a person is made unfree (as opposed to merely unable) to do something only if she would have this freedom in a better and available distribution that another person could have foreseeably brought about. In the second part, I discuss how to move from an account of specific freedom and unfreedom to a measure of overall freedom. I develop a new and simple aggregation function and argue that the measurement of overall freedom requires both quantitative and evaluative factors. In the third part, I then discuss what role freedom should play in a theory of distributive justice. Instead of freedom deontologically constraining the reach of distributive justice, freedom should be one of its distribuenda. I will first discuss how best to distribute freedom across a person’s lifetime and how this impacts on discussions of paternalistic policies. It will then be shown that we ought not simply maximise freedom between persons, not aim to give everyone enough freedom nor aim at equal freedom. Instead, distributing freedom requires a principle that combines maximisation with a concern for fairness.

This study represents an interpretation of Adam Smith's attitude toward a commercial society based upon natural liberty. In developing the thesis that the two works, The Theory of Moral Sentiments and Wealth of Nations, are logically consistent, it is necessary to establish the reason of reasons why Adam Smith embraced a commercial society based upon the "obvious and simple system of natural liberty." It will be established that he embraced such as system because it allowed the maximum accumulation of capital, which is the manifestation of being truly virtuous as developed in his Moral Sentiments. To go one step further, it will be seen that, so far as Smith is concerned, it is the rising bourgeoisie, the manufacturers and artificers, which is truly virtuous, i.e., accumulates capital.