The purpose of this research project was to analyze the dialectic of co-optation/domestication and resistance as manifested in the experience of racialized Canadian trade unionists. The seven research participants are racialized rank-and-file members, elected or appointed leaders, retired trade unionists, as well as staff of trade unions and other labour organizations. In spite of the struggle of racialized peoples for racial justice or firm anti-racism policies and programmes in their labour unions, there is a dearth of research on the racialized trade union members against racism, the actual condition under which they struggle, the particular ways that union institutional structures domesticate these struggles, and/or the countervailing actions by racialized members to realize anti-racist organizational goals. While the overt and vulgar forms of racism is no longer the dominant mode of expression in today’s labour movement, its systemic and institutional presence is just as debilitating for racial trade union members. This research has uncovered the manner in which the electoral process and machinery, elected and appointed political positions, staff jobs and formal constituency groups, and affirmative action or equity representational structures in labour unions and other labour organizations are used as sites of domestication or co-optation of some racialized trade unionists by the White-led labour bureaucratic structures and the forces in defense of whiteness. However, racialized trade union members also participate in struggles to resist racist domination. Among some of tools used to advance anti-racism are the creation of support networks, transgressive challenges to the entrenched leadership through elections, formation of constituency advocacy outside of the structure of the union and discrete forms of resistance. The participants in the research shared their stories of the way that race and gender condition the experiences of racialized women in the labour movement. The racialized interviewees were critical of the inadequacy of labour education programmes in dealing effectively with racism and offer solutions to make them relevant to the racial justice agenda. This study of race, resistance and co-optation in the labour movement has made contributions to the fields of critical race theory, labour and critical race feminism and labour studies.

This essay examines a movement practicing civic confirmation in Stockholm in the 1930s. Organizing the civic confirmations was The Committee for Civic Youth Education, led by civil- and human rights advocate Anna Lindhagen (1870–1941). The practice of civic confirmation is examined within the context of the early 20th century Swedish labour movement and the criticism of church and religion often expressed therein. Based on Janken Myrdal’s method of multiple sources, the essay utilizes several different kinds of sources, consisting of unpublished archival material as well as press and periodical journals, in order to examine the background, purpose and practice of civic confirmation. The origins of the civic confirmations are found within the critique of what was perceived as a too dogmatic and compulsory school education in the Christian faith, leading to a desire to politically reform the religious education of the public-school system. When this failed, Anna Lindhagen and her peers took matters into their own hands, organizing a course of lectures on religious and philosophic thinkers throughout history as well as on contemporary matters deemed important for adolescents. The purpose was to give youths a proper religious education, thus enabling them to become morally and spiritually sound members of society, and to eventually replace the practice of church confirmation. Courses were held throughout the 1930s, but the movement’s fate thereafter is unknown. The civic confirmations in Stockholm were similar to practices in southern Sweden as well as in Denmark and Norway. They were also in many ways typical of how the labour movement had organized its opposition to church practices in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. This particular instance of civic confirmation in Stockholm may have had limited effect on society, but within a broader context of secularization in northern Europe, the early and mid-20th century civic confirmations could be understood as forerunners to similar movements organizing civic or humanist youth confirmations in the 21st century.

Frauenbewegungen in Deutschland stehen für kollektive Bestrebungen von vornehmlich Frauen für die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter auf sozialer, kultureller, rechtlicher, wirtschaftlicher und politischer Ebene unter Berücksichtigung der Differenz der Geschlechter seit der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts. Zentrale Themen waren und sind u. a. das Recht auf höhere Bildung, das Recht auf Arbeit, Lohngleichheit, Sexualität, Verhütung, Abtreibung, Homosexualität und das Wahlrecht.

[pt] No final da década de 1970 o Brasil passou por profundas transformações políticas, devido o processo de abertura realizado pelo governo brasileiro de então. A partir daí houve o fim dos Atos Institucionais, como o AI-2 e o AI-5, que permitiram o fim do bipartidarismo, a redemocratização e o retorno dos exilados, dentre eles Leonel de Moura Brizola. Brizola radicou seu domicílio político no Rio de Janeiro, por observar na metrópole carioca, a importância de sua capitalidade e a possibilidade de criar visibilidade na política nacional. No ano de 1982 foi eleito governador do estado do Rio de Janeiro e os espaços carioca e fluminense se tornaram o laboratório do Novo Trabalhismo trazido por Brizola a partir da Carta de Lisboa, documento fundador do Partido Democrático Trabalhista (PDT). Na sua gestão a frente do estado vai ser notabilizada por políticas públicas segmentadas para populações mais vulneráveis, que deixaram marcas espaciais como os Centros Integrados de Educação Pública (CIEPs), além de uma mudança radical nas políticas voltadas para habitação, como o Programa Pra Cada Família, um Lote, que procurou regularizar a situação fundiária e urbanizar as favelas e outras áreas carentes tanto da cidade quanto do estado do Rio de Janeiro. Destaco também como importante marca do seu período na política carioca e fluminense, a criação de um movimento espontâneo, que se apropriou de um dos espaços públicos mais centralizados da metrópole carioca, a Praça Marechal Floriano, também conhecida como Cinelândia. / [en] In the late seventies, Brazil has gone through profound political changes due to the opening process carried out by the Brazilian government at that time. From then on, the Institutional Acts, such as AI-2 and AI-5, came to an end, which allowed the end of bipartisanship, the redemocratization and the return of exiles, among them Leonel de Moura Brizola. Brizola settled his political domicile in Rio de Janeiro, for observing in the metropolis the importance of its capitality and the possibility of creating visibility in the national politics. He was elected the governor of the state of Rio de Janeiro in 1982, and either the space of the city or of the state of Rio de Janeiro turned into the laboratory of the New Labourism brought by Brizola from the Lisbon Charter, the founding document of the Democratic Labor Party (PDT). His administration at the head of the state will be distinguished by segmented public policies for the most vulnerable communities, which have left spatial marks such as the Integrated Public Education Centers (Centros Integrados de Educação Pública -CIEPs), besides a radical change in policies regarding housing development, such as the program Pra cada família um lote, which aimed to regularize the agrarian situation and urbanize slums and other poor areas in both city and in state of Rio de Janeiro. I also highlight as an important spatial mark in Brizola s period in the politics of the city and state of Rio de Janeiro, one of the most centralized public spaces in the metropolis of Rio de Janeiro - Praça Marechal Floriano - also known as Cinelândia, which has been appropriated for the creation of a spontaneous movement.

[pt] A presente pesquisa analisa como o Estado brasileiro, a partir dos anos pós-30, com ápice nos idos do estado-novismo, implementou um projeto de cidadania embasado no trabalhismo e como esse foi afetado com o advento da chamada Reforma Trabalhista. Estuda-se como o projeto trabalhista, representado por uma ideologia política cunhada em concessões por parte do Estado, encarnado na promulgação da Consolidação das Leis Trabalhistas e construído paulatinamente pelas políticas estatais, foi desconstruído. Isso se deu, a partir de um processo de ruptura que se efetuou por meio de uma profunda reforma na legislação social, que negou e retirou direitos trabalhistas, mediante a promulgação de diversas legislações, com início no ano de 2017, tais quais a Lei N° 13.429/2017 e a Lei N° 13.467/2017. Assim, sumariamente, neste estudo se investiga a implantação, a manutenção e o desmantelamento desse projeto político denominado trabalhismo, bem como suas repercussões para a configuração do Estado, sua relação com o povo e com a cidadania no Brasil. / [en] This research examines how the Brazilian State, from the post-30s onwards, with its peak in the New State period, implemented a citizenship project based on the labour movement and how it was affected with the emergence of the Labour Reform. The argument focuses on how the labour movement as a project, represented by a political ideology coined in concessions by the State, embodied with the promulgation of the Labour Laws and gradually built by state policies, was relaxed. This rupture process took place through a thorough reform of social legislation, which denied and removed labour rights, through the enactment of several laws starting in 2017, such as Law N° 13.429 / 2017 and Law N° 13.467 / 2017. In order to support this proposition, further investigation is conducted on the implementation, maintenance and dismantling of this political project called labour movement, as well as its repercussions for the configuration of the State, its relationship with the people and with the citizenship in Brazil.

Proceeding from the premise that the meaning of performances flows from contextual, textual, and nonverbal elements, this dissertation explores layers of meaning arising from performances of selected South African struggle songs, poems and plays. In particular, it focuses on performances of the Mayibuye Cultural Group which functioned as an adaptive mechanism in the changing sociopolitical landscape of the 1980s and early 1990s, and on contemporary performances. The analysis of the songs, poems and play underscores the importance of nonverbal elements for the interpretation of performances, and proposes that performances functioned as debate and as a discursive presence in the public sphere. In particular, the performances glorified a masculine conception of the struggle and of South African society which highlighted the fragile gender politics in South Africa, and functioned as a vibrant mechanism for the expression of sanctioned criticism especially for the marginalised and for those at the fringes of power. / Anthropology / M.A. (Anthropology)

<p>The thesis concentrates on Hofors and a local trade union environment between 1917 and 1946, where important parts of the trade union’s power were held by parties to the left of the social democrats. The overall aim is to problemize and discuss the issue of what characterised and made possible this deviation from the usual picture of a trade union movement dominated by social democracy. What characterised the conditions in such a local trade union environment and to what extent can local norms and political culture be linked to the conditions and the development in the trade union movement in Hofors?</p><p>The factors behind the radicalism in Hofors can be found in the local union and political context. The investigation points out the following main reasons: the left-wing local council of the Social Democratic Party and its successors’ organisational lead, the local labour council’s working method being close to what has been considered “social democratic”, their representatives being highly trusted in the local community, and the growth of a local radical tradition.</p><p>The political culture and the norms that gradually developed were based on a left-wing social democratic tradition. The local council of the Social Democratic Party that left the party in 1917 to join the left-wing social democratic faction was the same local council, despite their names and change of parties in the 1920s and 1930s. It became the local labour movement’s bearer of traditions and represented the continuity in the local trade union environment, which contributed to the leftwing socialist project being long-lived in Hofors. The central aspects were the trade union work and the practical-concrete tradition that developed.</p><p>Primarily through successful trade union work, the local labour council and its trade union representatives gained strong and long-term support from a large proportion of the local trade union movement’s members and the population of Hofors.</p><p>Against this background it may be stated that, even though it was often impossible for the parties to the left of social democracy to maintain a local trade union and political power position that was stronger than that of the social democrats for a lengthy period of time, it was not entirely impossible. It may also be stated that for the trade union member as such, a communist or socialist party affiliation was not a real obstacle in the election of shop stewards. Their focus was primarily put on the would-be representatives’ personal qualities and ability to live up to the demands and expectations placed on them by the members, and not so much on their ideological persuasion.</p>

The thesis concentrates on Hofors and a local trade union environment between 1917 and 1946, where important parts of the trade union’s power were held by parties to the left of the social democrats. The overall aim is to problemize and discuss the issue of what characterised and made possible this deviation from the usual picture of a trade union movement dominated by social democracy. What characterised the conditions in such a local trade union environment and to what extent can local norms and political culture be linked to the conditions and the development in the trade union movement in Hofors? The factors behind the radicalism in Hofors can be found in the local union and political context. The investigation points out the following main reasons: the left-wing local council of the Social Democratic Party and its successors’ organisational lead, the local labour council’s working method being close to what has been considered “social democratic”, their representatives being highly trusted in the local community, and the growth of a local radical tradition. The political culture and the norms that gradually developed were based on a left-wing social democratic tradition. The local council of the Social Democratic Party that left the party in 1917 to join the left-wing social democratic faction was the same local council, despite their names and change of parties in the 1920s and 1930s. It became the local labour movement’s bearer of traditions and represented the continuity in the local trade union environment, which contributed to the leftwing socialist project being long-lived in Hofors. The central aspects were the trade union work and the practical-concrete tradition that developed. Primarily through successful trade union work, the local labour council and its trade union representatives gained strong and long-term support from a large proportion of the local trade union movement’s members and the population of Hofors. Against this background it may be stated that, even though it was often impossible for the parties to the left of social democracy to maintain a local trade union and political power position that was stronger than that of the social democrats for a lengthy period of time, it was not entirely impossible. It may also be stated that for the trade union member as such, a communist or socialist party affiliation was not a real obstacle in the election of shop stewards. Their focus was primarily put on the would-be representatives’ personal qualities and ability to live up to the demands and expectations placed on them by the members, and not so much on their ideological persuasion.

Proceeding from the premise that the meaning of performances flows from contextual, textual, and nonverbal elements, this dissertation explores layers of meaning arising from performances of selected South African struggle songs, poems and plays. In particular, it focuses on performances of the Mayibuye Cultural Group which functioned as an adaptive mechanism in the changing sociopolitical landscape of the 1980s and early 1990s, and on contemporary performances. The analysis of the songs, poems and play underscores the importance of nonverbal elements for the interpretation of performances, and proposes that performances functioned as debate and as a discursive presence in the public sphere. In particular, the performances glorified a masculine conception of the struggle and of South African society which highlighted the fragile gender politics in South Africa, and functioned as a vibrant mechanism for the expression of sanctioned criticism especially for the marginalised and for those at the fringes of power. / Anthropology / M.A. (Anthropology)

VALE, Eltern Campina. Tecendo fios, fazendo história: a atuação operária na Cidade-Fábrica Rio Tinto (Paraíba, 1959-1964). 2008. 221 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2008. / Submitted by Raul Oliveira (raulcmo@hotmail.com) on 2012-06-25T12:47:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_Dis_ECVale.pdf: 5155308 bytes, checksum: 26d41ff1b20cc40eede6aaa7bdd6e849 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-06-25T13:43:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_Dis_ECVale.pdf: 5155308 bytes, checksum: 26d41ff1b20cc40eede6aaa7bdd6e849 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-06-25T13:43:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_Dis_ECVale.pdf: 5155308 bytes, checksum: 26d41ff1b20cc40eede6aaa7bdd6e849 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / This essay studies the workers’ collisions in the period of 1959 through 1964, emphasizing the labour movement in Paraíba. It approaches, initially, the construction of the Rio Tinto Factory, between the years of 1917 and 1924, undertaking described in the press and in memoirs as a great enterprise, since, in their vision, the factory developed the economy of the region and of Paraíba. The first strikes in 1930, the creation of the worker’s union in 1932, the watch and repression of the communist labourers, and also the paralyzations in 1946 and 1951, are studied here as classes’ experiences, in its organizational process, and in its contents of heritage and division. It accentuates the ascension of the workers’ organization in Rio Tinto between 1959 and 1964, as an essential center of the labour movement in Paraíba, putting into practice their agenda of demands, conquering victories, suffering reverses and articulating in the electoral politics. The analysis of the workers’ processes, as a way of conquering rights, identifies the labour issues as an expression of the workers’ struggle. It is also studied the conjuncture of 1960, with the election of the labourer Antônio Fernandes for the union and for the city hall of the factorytown in 1963, and the repression of the labour movement in Rio Tinto after the coup d’état civil-military of 1964. / Esta dissertação estuda os embates operários no período 1959 -1964, no contexto da história do movimento operário paraibano. Aborda inicialmente a construção da Fábrica Rio Tinto, entre 1917 e 1924, empreendimento descrito na imprensa e nos registros dos memorialistas, de modo grandiloqüente, pois em sua visão, a fábrica impulsionou a economia da região e da Paraíba. As primeiras greves em 1930, a criação do Sindicato em 1932, a vigilância e repressão aos operários comunistas, bem como as paralisações de 1946 e 1951, são aqui estudadas como experiências de classe, em seu processo de organização, em seus conteúdos de herança e partilha. Destaca-se também o ascenso da organização dos trabalhadores entre 1959 e 1964, em Rio Tinto, como núcleo significativo do movimento operário paraibano, compondo sua agenda de reivindicações, alçando vitórias, sofrendo reveses e, realizando articulações no plano da política eleitoral. A análise dos processos trabalhistas, como uma via na conquista de direitos, identifica as questões trabalhistas como expressão de conteúdo de luta dos trabalhadores. Em estudo ainda, a conjuntura de 1960, com a eleição do operário Antônio Fernandes para o sindicato e à prefeitura da cidade-fábrica em 1963, bem como a repressão ao movimento operário em Rio Tinto com o Golpe civil-militar de 1964.