This is an investigation by a participant researcher into the 'hidden world' of Further Education (FE). I became interested in how the many innovations, which have occurred in the past twenty years have made FE staff feel and how this effected their work and how they coped with what often felt like the conflicting demands of constant change. This is longitudinal insider research with a political edge as it is an examination of one of New Labour's major inclusion strategies, as it covers almost all of the twelve years they were in power. Over this period I have seen staff concerns change, as have their 'folk devils', and as lecturers and support staff went through different 'moral panics' during a period of massive change and uncertainty in the post compulsory sector. The original grounded theory type emergent categories and my own personal ontology lead me to adopt the position of a 'critical realist' where I have also attempted to incorporate a Feminist stance with some insights from sociological theorists like Bourdieu. Through the Literature Review I looked at the wider social and political issues of 'new managerialism', 'globalisation', 'proletarianisation', 'intensification of labour', the 'audit culture' and the casualisation and 'deprofessionalisation' of academic staff. These and other issues had emerged as possible reasons for the way staff said they felt in my interviews with tutors and my long term participant observations in three colleges and the results from one local stress survey and one national questionnaire of college managers. My conclusions are that many staff who choose to stay in FE are to a degree alienated but not anomic, they still believe in their role despite the changes and take pride and pleasure in their work, especially their interaction with students. The work place and division of labour are gendered both vertically and horizontally. Staff and trainers are unsure of the effectiveness of the new training but recognise that they need more skills to deal with the newer student groups. The different cultural capital, 'habitus' and 'fields' work against a common professionalism developing and these are unlikely to disappear.

The purpose of this study is to examine how different risk factors on the labour market affect an individuals’ perceived unemployment risk and how this perceived risk is affected depending on what country you work in. By comparing countries, a difference can be made on, depending on the countries labour policies and the state of their welfare, how they are affecting your perceived unemployment risk. The countries used in this study are Sweden, Denmark and Poland and the risk factors used are, gender, education level, competence and trade unions. The data for this study is taken from ISSPs surveys and the analysis method used is a bivariate and a multiple regression analysis. The result from the study show that there are differences between the countries perceived unemployment risk and how the risk factors affect this. But, because a lot of the results are non-significant, a general conclusion can’t be done because there is no certainty that the results exist outside of this study. But one thing is certain, that this is a much more complex field were general conclusions are hard to make and that the risk factors needs more and thorough studying and how the individuals perceived unemployment risk affects their mental health.

Este trabalho busca compreender as formas de relações de trabalho que estão à margem do assalariamento e suas consequências e perspectivas para a relação entre estado e sociedade no que se refere ao mundo do trabalho. A literatura tradicionalmente chamou os trabalhadores envolvidos nestas formas de relações laborais de informais ou atípicos. Neste sentido, foram tradicionalmente compreendidos, tanto academicamente como politicamente, na chave da falta e da impossibilidade da política. Contudo, se é verdade que do ponto de vista das instituições tradicionais relativas ao mundo do trabalho (sindicatos, estado e suas formas jurídicas de regulação do trabalho) elas de fato ainda são estranhas e não nomeáveis senão pela falta, no contexto das transformações econômicas e políticas ocorridas na últimas décadas, estas formas de relações laborais são constitutivos tanto do atual modelo de acumulação como também criam novos campos de conflitos, e a partir deles estão buscando se organizar politicamente, construir identidade e colocar sua agenda para o trabalho. Buscou-se assim, na primeira parte deste texto, compreender o significado teórico e político que as formas de trabalho não assalariadas tiveram e tem para o mundo do trabalho. Na segunda parte, a partir de uma discussão centrada na chamada economia solidária, se busca compreender a emergência desta nova realidade e a constituição de novos sujeitos políticos no mundo do trabalho, com identidade e agenda próprias. Contudo, se por um lado, neste processo de constituição de novos sujeitos políticos, estas formas de trabalho e seus trabalhadores ficam além da informalidade, por outro, ainda não conseguiram ser reconhecidos, em sua relação com o estado, como sujeitos portadores de direitos. / This work aims to examine the non-wage based labour relations and understand its implications for the State and Society. These kinds of labour relations have been referred to as \"informal\" or \"non typical\". In this sense, they have been viewed academically and politically as lacking or unviable. However, if it is true that from the perspective of the traditional labour institutions (Unions, State, and the juridical forms of labour regulation) these labour relations are aliens and cannot be characterized but for absence of the key attributes that traditionally have defined labour, in the context of political and economical changes that took place in the past decades, these labour relations are an important part of the accumulation model and have generated new fields of conflict and have been trying to get politically organized, building identity and pushing forward with their agenda. The first part of the work focus on understanding the theoretical and political implications of the non wage based relations for labour relations in general. On the second part, based on a discussion around \"solidary economy\', we try to understand the emergence of this new reality and the development of new political subjects with their own agendas and identities. However, although these labour relations and its workers are not informal, they still not recognized in their relation with the State as having rights.

Este trabalho busca compreender as formas de relações de trabalho que estão à margem do assalariamento e suas consequências e perspectivas para a relação entre estado e sociedade no que se refere ao mundo do trabalho. A literatura tradicionalmente chamou os trabalhadores envolvidos nestas formas de relações laborais de informais ou atípicos. Neste sentido, foram tradicionalmente compreendidos, tanto academicamente como politicamente, na chave da falta e da impossibilidade da política. Contudo, se é verdade que do ponto de vista das instituições tradicionais relativas ao mundo do trabalho (sindicatos, estado e suas formas jurídicas de regulação do trabalho) elas de fato ainda são estranhas e não nomeáveis senão pela falta, no contexto das transformações econômicas e políticas ocorridas na últimas décadas, estas formas de relações laborais são constitutivos tanto do atual modelo de acumulação como também criam novos campos de conflitos, e a partir deles estão buscando se organizar politicamente, construir identidade e colocar sua agenda para o trabalho. Buscou-se assim, na primeira parte deste texto, compreender o significado teórico e político que as formas de trabalho não assalariadas tiveram e tem para o mundo do trabalho. Na segunda parte, a partir de uma discussão centrada na chamada economia solidária, se busca compreender a emergência desta nova realidade e a constituição de novos sujeitos políticos no mundo do trabalho, com identidade e agenda próprias. Contudo, se por um lado, neste processo de constituição de novos sujeitos políticos, estas formas de trabalho e seus trabalhadores ficam além da informalidade, por outro, ainda não conseguiram ser reconhecidos, em sua relação com o estado, como sujeitos portadores de direitos. / This work aims to examine the non-wage based labour relations and understand its implications for the State and Society. These kinds of labour relations have been referred to as \"informal\" or \"non typical\". In this sense, they have been viewed academically and politically as lacking or unviable. However, if it is true that from the perspective of the traditional labour institutions (Unions, State, and the juridical forms of labour regulation) these labour relations are aliens and cannot be characterized but for absence of the key attributes that traditionally have defined labour, in the context of political and economical changes that took place in the past decades, these labour relations are an important part of the accumulation model and have generated new fields of conflict and have been trying to get politically organized, building identity and pushing forward with their agenda. The first part of the work focus on understanding the theoretical and political implications of the non wage based relations for labour relations in general. On the second part, based on a discussion around \"solidary economy\', we try to understand the emergence of this new reality and the development of new political subjects with their own agendas and identities. However, although these labour relations and its workers are not informal, they still not recognized in their relation with the State as having rights.

En Europe le processus de subsidiarisation des politiques sociales et de l’emploi (Kazepov, 2010) impacte fortement les réseaux locaux d’acteurs liés à la mise en place de nouvelles politiques actives (van Berkel et Borghi, 2007 ; Heidenreich et Rice, 2016). Ses conséquences sont gérées au quotidien par les professionnels intervenant auprès des citoyens. Ils expliquent aux usagers les fractures d’un Etat social en phase de transition – d’une socialisation des risques collectifs à une responsabilité individuelle de la protection (Bresson, Colomb et Gaspar, 2015 ; Andreotti, Mingione et Polizzi, 2012) – et ils donnent du sens aux frontières institutionnelles, géographiques et sociales (Ferrera, 2005), construites entre les dispositifs des politiques actives.La question de recherche de cette thèse vise à montrer en quoi le modèle européen de politiques actives de l’emploi structure les pratiques et les fonctionnements de nouveaux systèmes locaux de welfare. Pour y répondre elle aborde les stratégies d’acteurs face aux antinomies causées par la dimension rhétorique du nouveau welfare actif (Bifulco, 2005) et la dimension pratique de la crise des financements. Il s’agit donc de traiter la question des marges de manœuvre des street level bureaucrates (Lipsky, 1980) pour faire face au changement et donner du sens à des directives européennes souvent éloignées des terrains d’intervention et des caractéristiques des publics cibles.Au niveau théorique, l’objectif de ce travail de recherche est de proposer un cadre conceptuel capable d’expliquer le processus de subsidiarisation et de l’activation de l’Etat social à partir de ses effets. Notre hypothèse de travail nous amène à explorer une corrélation entre les politiques actives de l’emploi et : 1. la fragmentation territoriale des institutions et des réseaux d’acteurs ; 2. la spécialisation des services publics de l’emploi ; 3. les nouveaux instruments de contractualisation ; 4. la professionnalisation et précarisation des intervenants.A l’aide d’une recherche comparative en France et en Italie, nous proposons une analyse des stratégies professionnelles intervenant dans les politiques sociales d’insertion en faveur des jeunes. A propos de politiques de jeunesse, elles nous montrent les composantes des systèmes locaux de welfare (Loncle, 2011) et dessinent les modalités de protection sociale pour les nouvelles générations. En outre, depuis la mise en place de la Stratégie Européenne de l’Emploi en 1997 et le Pacte Européen pour la jeunesse en 2005, elles indiquent les modalités de transition vers l’âge adulte et définissent les critères d’employabilité dans le marché de l’emploi européen. Nous privilégions la méthode spécifique des vignettes (Barter et Renold, 2000 ; Finch, 1987 ; Hughes et Huby, 2002) afin de montrer les coulisses et les stratégies d’acteurs dans le processus d’activation. Nous complétons ces matériaux d’enquête avec des entretiens semi-directifs et des observations participantes visant à interroger différents niveaux d’acteurs, institutionnels et professionnels, liés à la restructuration du welfare local. / In Europe the subsidiarisation process of social policies and employment strategy impacts the local networks of actors linked to the development of new active policies. Its consequences are managed daily by professionals working with citizens. They explain to users fractures of a welfare state in transition - from a socialization of collective risks to an individual responsibility of protection- and they give meaning to the institutional boundaries , geographical and social , built between active political devices.The research question of this thesis is to show how the European model of active employment policy structure practices and operations of new premises of welfare systems. To answer it discusses the strategies of actors face the contradictions caused by the rhetorical dimension of the new active welfare and the practical dimension of the crisis of funding. It is therefore addressing the issue of flexibilities of street level bureaucrats to deal with change and make sense of often remote European directives intervention courses and characteristics of target audiences.At the theoretical level, the objective of this research is to propose a conceptual framework to explaining the process of subsidiarisation and activation of the welfare state from its effects. Our working hypothesis leads us to explore a correlation between active employment policies and : 1. the territorial fragmentation of institutions and stakeholder networks ; 2. the specialization of public employment services; 3. the new instruments of contracts ; 4. professionalization and casualization of stakeholders.Using a comparative research in France and Italy, we offer an analysis of professional strategies involved in social integration policies for young people. About youth policy, they show the components of the local systems of welfare (Loncle, 2011) and draw welfare conditions for the new generations. In addition, since the implementation of the European Employment Strategy in 1997 and the European Youth Pact in 2005, they indicate the transition arrangements to adulthood and define the criteria of employability in the market European employment. We prefer the specific method thumbnails (Barter and Renold, 2000; Finch, 1987; Hughes and Huby, 2002) to show the scenes and actors strategies in the activation process. We complet these survey materials with semi-structured interviews and participant observation to examine different levels of actors, institutions and professionals related to the restructuring of the local welfare.

This thesis is a study of British colonial policy in southern Afiica in the 1 gill centwy. More specifically it looks at how British imperial policy, in the period 1875 to 1881, played itself out in two British colonies in southern Africa, Wlder the direction of a British imperial agent, William Owen Lanyon. It sets Lanyon in the context of the frontiers and attempts to link the histories of the people who lived there, the Africans, Boers and British settlers on the one han~ and the histories of colonial policy on the other. In doing so it also unravels the relationship between Lanyon and his superiors in London and those in southern Africa. In 1875 Owen Lanyon arrived in Griqualand West, where his brief was to help promote a confederation policy in southern Africa. Because of the discovery of diamonds some years earlier, Lanyon's administration had to take account of the rising mining industry and the aggressive new capitalist economy. He also had to deal with Griqua and Tlhaping resistance to colonialism. Lanyon was transferred to the Transvaal in 1879, where he was confronted by another community that was dissatisfied with British rule: the Transvaal Boers. Indeed, in Pretoria he was faced with an extremely difficult situation, which he handled very poorly. Boer resistance to imperial rule eventually came to a head when war broke out and Lanyon and his officials were among those besieged in Pretoria. In February 1881 imperial troops suffered defeat at the hands of Boer commandos at Majuba and Lanyon was recalled to Britain. In both colonies Lanyon was caught up in the struggle between the imperial power and the local people and, seen in a larger context, in the conflict for white control over the land and labour of Africans and that between the old pre-mineral South Africa and the new capitalist order. He made a crucial contribution to developments in the sub-continent and it is remarkable that his role in southern Africa has thus far been neglected. / History / D.Litt. et Phil. (History)

This thesis is a study of British colonial policy in southern Afiica in the 1 gill centwy. More specifically it looks at how British imperial policy, in the period 1875 to 1881, played itself out in two British colonies in southern Africa, Wlder the direction of a British imperial agent, William Owen Lanyon. It sets Lanyon in the context of the frontiers and attempts to link the histories of the people who lived there, the Africans, Boers and British settlers on the one han~ and the histories of colonial policy on the other. In doing so it also unravels the relationship between Lanyon and his superiors in London and those in southern Africa. In 1875 Owen Lanyon arrived in Griqualand West, where his brief was to help promote a confederation policy in southern Africa. Because of the discovery of diamonds some years earlier, Lanyon's administration had to take account of the rising mining industry and the aggressive new capitalist economy. He also had to deal with Griqua and Tlhaping resistance to colonialism. Lanyon was transferred to the Transvaal in 1879, where he was confronted by another community that was dissatisfied with British rule: the Transvaal Boers. Indeed, in Pretoria he was faced with an extremely difficult situation, which he handled very poorly. Boer resistance to imperial rule eventually came to a head when war broke out and Lanyon and his officials were among those besieged in Pretoria. In February 1881 imperial troops suffered defeat at the hands of Boer commandos at Majuba and Lanyon was recalled to Britain. In both colonies Lanyon was caught up in the struggle between the imperial power and the local people and, seen in a larger context, in the conflict for white control over the land and labour of Africans and that between the old pre-mineral South Africa and the new capitalist order. He made a crucial contribution to developments in the sub-continent and it is remarkable that his role in southern Africa has thus far been neglected. / History / D.Litt. et Phil. (History)