O trabalho analisa a sociabilidade no Assentamento Rural de Santana e os processos de aprendizagem objetivados pela prÃtica social cotidiana dos trabalhadores rurais nos processos de luta, de conquista e de permanÃncia na terra entre 1987 a 2005. O Santana, fundado a partir da polÃtica de reforma agrÃria do INCRA, està situado no MunicÃpio de Monsenhor Tabosa no SertÃo do CearÃ, Nordeste brasileiro. No Assentamento os trabalhadores rurais tecem uma maneira peculiar de organizaÃÃo da produÃÃo e da vida cotidiana. A pergunta de partida a qual este trabalho se propÃe: o que à viver em um assentamento rural, que mantÃm a propriedade coletiva da terra e uma produÃÃo organizada a partir do trabalho coletivo e individual? Quais os seus desdobramentos para a formaÃÃo dos assentados? O percurso teÃrico e metodolÃgico se fundamentou na ontologia do ser social a partir de Marx, LukÃcs e MÃszÃros. A pesquisa de campo, objetivando um estudo de caso, realizou-se dentro de uma abordagem antropolÃgica marxiana priorizando a totalidade representada pela sociabilidade do Assentamento. O Santana se estruturou basicamente sob dois momentos histÃricos. No primeiro momento, a sociabilidade do Assentamento tinha como base duas mediaÃÃes centrais: propriedade coletiva da terra e produÃÃo cooperada que, para a implementaÃÃo do projeto coletivo, foram combinadas a relaÃÃes de controle coletivo, necessÃrias à construÃÃo do Assentamento. A sua sociabilidade estava demarcada por vÃnculos de solidariedade e dependÃncia entre os assentados, pois âtudo era decidido coletivamenteâ, como costumavam afirmar. A prÃtica social cotidiana dos assentados engendrava um rico aprendizado demarcado pela produÃÃo associada, pelas reuniÃes e AssemblÃias permanentes, dentre outros. PorÃm este projeto nÃo teve sustentaÃÃo, pois as condiÃÃes de carÃncias materiais, dificuldades de ordem prÃtica nas relaÃÃes de produÃÃo coletiva e no estabelecimento de relaÃÃes estÃveis com o mercado forma impedindo a sua continuidade. No segundo momento o Assentamento, embora mantivesse a propriedade coletiva da terra, sofreu uma mudanÃa nas relaÃÃes de produÃÃo coletiva para uma produÃÃo mista. A partir de entÃo, estabeleceu-se uma combinaÃÃo de produÃÃo individual (de responsabilidade exclusiva do assentado) e de produÃÃo coletiva (mantida pela Cooperativa de assentados), uma alternativa posta a partir das demandas internas (de ampliaÃÃo da capacidade de trabalho e de consumo), e externas (da inserÃÃo na lÃgica de uma economia de mercado). Dos fatores externos que influenciaram a mudanÃa do projeto de Assentamento, destaca-se a polÃtica do Estado atravÃs do Programa Nacional de Agricultura Familiar (PRONAF) e das relaÃÃes de aproximaÃÃo de alguns assentados com a elite polÃtica da regiÃo. O trabalho, finalmente, afirma que o que à original na sociabilidade de Santana sÃo as mediaÃÃes necessÃrias à manutenÃÃo do projeto de Assentamento, que representam germes de relaÃÃes sociais superiores, e que diferem em certa medida da reproduÃÃo da sociabilidade burguesa. Embora tenha constatado os limites histÃricos da sociabilidade em Santana seja um fato, esta prÃtica social definitivamente trÃs elementos que contribuem para o processo de transiÃÃo para uma sociedade emancipada, para alÃm do capital. / This research analyses the sociability at the rural settlement of Santana (between 1987 and 2005) and the learning processes of the rural workers on the struggles of everyday life for land, production and well-being. The Santana settlement was created by the agrarian reform policy of INCRA, in Brazil. It is situated in the city of Monsenhor Tabosa in the hinterlands (SertÃo) of the State of CearÃ, Northeast of Brazil. In the settlement, the rural workers build, in a peculiar way, the organization of the production and of their everyday lives. The research purpose is to investigate what it is to live in a rural settlement that keeps the common propriety of land and an organized (both collective and individual) form of production. Furthermore, it is important to investigate what the impact of such life for the formation of the settlers is. The theoretical approach is based on the âontology of the social beingâ by Marx, LukÃcs and MÃszÃros. The field research had an anthropological Marxian approach, considering the totality represented by the sociability of the settlement as a case study. It could be observed that the rural settlement was strongly influenced by two historical moments. First, the settlers organized themselves based on two central mediations: collective property of the land and cooperative production, which led to the establishment of collective control of the settlement. Its sociability was characterized by solidarity and inter-dependency links of the settlers, because âall was decided collectivelyâ. The social practice fostered a rich learning process, influenced by the associative production, frequent meetings and assemblies, amongst others. Nonetheless, material needs, practical difficulties of the collective production, and market relations with the outer world prevented the original project to further develop. In the second period, although the settlement maintained the collective property of the land, it changed the production to a mixed system, a combination of individual (whose responsibility was merely of the settler) and collective (organized by the Cooperative Union of the settlers) production to respond to both internal (enhancement of work and consume capacity) and external (insertion of the settlement in the market logic) demands. Besides, the settlers counted on external support for the implementation of the new individual-production system, such as governmental programs (PRONAF, for instance) and the approximation of some workers to the local political elite. From the results, one can conclude that the originality of the Santana sociability are the mediations required to maintain the original project, which reflects seeds of superior social relations, different from those of the bourgeoisie sociability. Although historical limits for the amplification of such sociability are a fact, the experience of Santana definitely contributes for the transition process to an emancipated society, beyond capital.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / Este trabalho trata de conflitos coletivos rurais e de acordos construÃdos para sua pacificaÃÃo em um processo de mediaÃÃo estatal. Inicia pela histÃria de 150 anos de fraudes e grilagem no Pontal do Paranapanema, acompanhando a transformaÃÃo da luta de resistÃncia dos posseiros em grandes ocupaÃÃes de terra lideradas pelo Movimento Sem Terra (MST), num conflito coletivo de grandes proporÃÃes que ganhou as manchetes nacionais e internacionais em 1995. A partir daÃ, traÃa um perfil histÃrico dos principais atores sociais envolvidos â sem-terra, fazendeiros e Estado â e resgata as circunstÃncias que culminaram na elaboraÃÃo de um Plano de AÃÃo Governamental, construÃdo a partir de propostas negociadas entre esses trÃs atores, que incluÃa a retomada pelo Estado das terras devolutas estaduais em poder dos fazendeiros e o assentamento gradual das famÃlias acampadas. Esse Plano de AÃÃo que se pretendia pacificador deu inÃcio a uma espiral de conflitos e acordos que parecia tendente ao infinito. Num esforÃo de compreensÃo desse processo, a nova forma de aÃÃo estatal, iniciada com a experiÃncia de execuÃÃo do Plano, e as dinÃmicas sociais daà resultantes foram minuciosamente reconstruÃdas com recurso Ãs falas dos atores e imagens que retratam os principais episÃdios. A narrativa prossegue atà o ano de 1996, quando as primeiras mil famÃlias envolvidas naqueles conflitos comeÃam a ser assentadas em lotes definitivos e a situaÃÃo ganha ares de normalidade. O Plano de AÃÃo enfim cumpria seus objetivos de pacificaÃÃo. Ao final, o trabalho analisa os vÃrios planos em que esses conflitos se desenvolveram, com fatores relacionados simultaneamente a questÃes pessoais ou coletivas; aos aspectos de honra, prestÃgio e carisma; aos aspectos de poder econÃmico e polÃtico; aos valores e cÃdigos morais compartilhados nos grupos sociais; e aos jogos de cenas e espetÃculos voltados ao pÃblico externo, em que a imprensa exercia papel fundamental. Analisa tambÃm a aÃÃo de mediaÃÃo estatal desenvolvida, as prÃticas dos mediadores e os dilemas relacionados à dualidade do agente estatal na condiÃÃo de mediador-executor dos acordos referentes ao Plano de AÃÃo. Em conclusÃo, o trabalho apresenta algumas reflexÃes sobre as condiÃÃes de possibilidade de uma prÃtica estatal de mediaÃÃo de conflitos no Brasil. / Rural collective conflicts and agreements conceived to its pacification within a process of state mediation is the subject of the present work. It is introduced by the history of 150 years of frauds and illegal land appropriation in Pontal do Paranapanema, follows the landholders struggle of resistance transformation into huge land occupation process led by Movimento Sem-Terra (MST), within a collective conflict of great proportions, registered in national and international headlines in the 1995 news. Then, it traces a historical profile of the central social actors in field â landless workers, farmers and State agents â and rescues the circumstances that led to the construction of a Plan for Government Action, based on negotiated proposals among these three actors, which included the reclaiming of those land due to the State that were under the farmers possession, and the gradual settlement of the camped families. That Plan, intended to be peacemaker, started a spiral of conflicts and agreements that seemed to stretch till infinite. In the effort to understand this process, the new way of state action, initiated with the execution of that plan, and the resulting social dynamics, were reconstructed in its minor details, by the actors speeches and images that pictured the main episodes. The narrative goes on until the year of 1996, when the first thousand families that took place in those conflicts are definitively settled in rural settlement and the situation turns to normality. The Plan of Action fulfilled its objectives of pacification, at last. In the final part, the work analyses the several plans in which these conflicts were developed, with simultaneous factors related to personal and collective issues; to honor, prestige and charisma aspects; to economic and politic power aspects; to beliefs and moral codes shared by the social groups; and to the showing off and scenes directed to external public, when press acted key rule. It also analyses the action developed by state in mediation, the mediatorsâ practices and the dilemmas related to the duality of the state agent in the dual rule of mediator-executor of the agreements originated by the plan. In conclusion, the work presents some reflections about the conditions of possibility for a state practice in mediation on conflicts in Brazil.

Commonage is land that is usually found adjacent to a town, which is owned by the local municipality and acquired through state grants or, historically, through the church. Since the new government dispensation in 1994, poor and previously disadvantaged residents have acquired access rights to commonage for agricultural purposes. Through the Department of Land Affair’s Commonage Programme, local municipalities are acquiring more commonage land for purposes of agriculture and grazing livestock. Commonages are increasingly being recognised as an important livelihood asset for the poor and unemployed residents’ of towns and rapid urbanisation is contributing to the increasing use of commonage for livelihood provisioning. Some municipalities view commonage as a key asset to promote Local Economic Development, while others are finding it difficult to manage the land effectively, to the extent that some analysts see tragic ecological consequences occurring due to over-grazing. This has been likened to the “tragedy of the commons” as advocated by Hardin in 1968. Commonage and common property resource systems have many similarities and co-management has been advocated as a potential management regime for commonage. Researching the policy framework, institutional structures and management bodies involved in commonage, gave a better understanding of the governance and management of the commonages in Grahamstown, Fort Beaufort and Bathurst. Current management attempts are not ensuring the efficient, equitable and sustainable use of these commonages. The governance framework is not adequately supporting proper management. In an environment of resource-poor institutional bodies, adaptive co-management could prove to be the most effective system to ensure the sustainable use and development of this natural resource. Furthermore, commonage is no longer contributing to the Land Reform Programme. Commonage should be better integrated into agrarian reform through lease schemes and an efficient Emerging Farmer Programme.

This research appraises the impact of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme at three resettled communities in Kadoma District, Zimbabwe. In particular it assesses the livelihood practices of land recipients and their effects on the natural environment. Two of the communities, Lanteglos and CC Molina were resettled under the A1 villagised and self-contained settlement scheme and are found in the Natural Farming Region III. Pamene, the third community, was resettled under the A2 small-scale commercial settlement scheme and is found in the Natural Farming Region IIb. Multiple research methods including household surveys, interviews, observations, reviews of literature and map construction through the use of Geographic Information Systems, allowed for the collection of empirical, descriptive, and spatial data to provide for the appraisal. The land use practices included dry land crop production, livestock rearing, vegetable gardening and exploitation of the natural environment for a variety of purposes. Farming was mostly subsistence with the use of traditional equipment by all three communities. Tenure was perceived to be insecure by beneficiaries and although a variety of papers to show ownership were held, none provided for leasing or freehold tenure. Despite acquiring natural capital from the resettlement process, the findings of this research show low levels of financial, physical and social capital amongst beneficiaries. Moreover climatic variability, the declining macro-economic and unstable political environment and little support from government have adversely affected the livelihoods of beneficiaries. The implication of all this has been a reduction in livelihoods that are based solely on agricultural production, leading to off-farm practices primarily exploiting the natural environment. The long term effect would be increased degradation of the environment, leading to reduced arable and grazing land, and thereby hindering sustainable livelihoods from farming. Recommendations are proposed based on this research’s findings being typical in Zimbabwe. Central to this is the need for government to revise its present land policy and, provide for a comprehensive and holistic land policy that should be based on the vision of how agriculture should evolve in Zimbabwe

The White Revolution was a set of six reform measures put to the Iranian people via referendum on 6 Bahman 1341 (26 January 1963), based on a plan for social justice linked with economic development, encased in the concept of a bloodless revolution from the top. This did not happen unexpectedly; it was the culmination of events spanning several years, which accelerated during the John F. Kennedy Presidency. Various plans and reforms paved the way for the White Revolution and certain events as well as political and economic developments encouraged reform. There were similarities between plans and some reforms influenced others, or were shaped to suit different agendas. All played a part in instigating the White Revolution. This included Prime Minister ʻAlī Amīnī’s 15-point plan, the Shah’s Royal Farmān, the Third Development Plan, and the six-points of the White Revolution itself. The question this thesis seeks to answer is to what extent the Kennedy administration was responsible for instigating the White Revolution by influencing the various steps that paved the way for the 6 Bahman referendum?The United States had at its disposal various means by which it might apply pressure and influence development. This included, economic aid, military assistance, numerous advisers, agencies on the ground, plus support for the Shah and other Iranians. Given the Kennedy administration’s association with modernisation and development, the existing historiography has portrayed this period in US-Iranian relations as one of increased pressure on the Shah to reform with the White Revolution being the result of such pressure. This thesis makes an original contribution to knowledge by challenging this portrayal by providing the first detailed, analysis of the period 1961-63, utilising a vast array of newly released documents. This is not the first study to conclude agency on the part of Iran for the White Revolution, but is the first to do so though a detailed, balanced approach, which doesn’t ignore the significance of the US-Iranian relationship. Thus, this thesis is at the forefront of revisionist accounts of US-Iranian relations during the Cold War critiquing the portrayal of the Shah and others as mere tools of the US and reaching the conclusion that contrary to widely held beliefs it was Iranians rather than Americans who instigated the White Revolution by initiating and directing reform.

The fast track land reform programme resulted in a fundamental reorganisation of rural relations in Zimbabwe, changing the landscape in an irreversible way with people from diverse backgrounds converging on former white-owned farms. This thesis tells the story of how the newly resettled land beneficiaries are organising themselves socially in response to various economic challenges. It makes a contribution towards understanding how redistributive land reforms and local government restructuring influence rural social organisation and agency. Furthermore the study examines local perceptions on the meanings of the „farm‟ and „land redistribution‟. An utterance by one war veteran “what used to be your farm is now our land and you are free to take your farm but leave our land” provides an alternative rendition to contestations of restitution versus a purely farm productionist discourse. The study, through an analysis of primary and secondary data, provides a fresh understanding of the social outcomes of fast track. It traces the evolution of land and agrarian reforms in post-independence Zimbabwe and the political and social economic context that led to „fast track‟. Through an analysis of field findings the thesis is able to define the dominant social groups that were resettled during fast track and the challenges they face in utilising the land. The findings show that the majority of the land beneficiaries were from the customary areas, with limited agricultural experiences. Local cooperation within informal networks and local farmer groups has been identified as one of the ways in which social reproduction is being organised. These groups are responsible for enhancing production capacity but they face a number of constraints. The study derives its theoretical foundation from the post 1980s debates on rural society dominated by Mafeje (1993, 2003), Rahmato (1991) and Mamdani (1996). The debates centred on how institutions of inclusion, authority and cooperation such as the lineage groups, local farmer groups and traditional authority remain relevant in the organisation of post-independent rural African society especially in a context of increased commoditisation of rural relations of production. Using theoretical insights derived from analysing the role of the lineage groups in the allocation of critical resources such as land and the influence of traditional authority (indirect rule) as a form of local government, the study examines how social organisation is emerging in areas where neither lineage nor traditional authority are not dominant. The thesis of rural cooperation through local groups as advanced by Rahmato (1991) and Moyo (2002) provides partial insights into the response mechanisms that land beneficiaries invoke in this instance. It is not necessarily an autonomous space of organisation but rather the state is actively involved through various functionaries including extension officers who invariably advance a very productionist approach. The state‟s monopoly through its local functionaries hides its political cooptation effect by emphasising organisation for production without questioning the manner in which that production is externally controlled through limited rights over land, the state‟s monopoly over inputs supply and markets for commodities. Whilst land reform has been driven by local participation through land occupations, local government reform has been technocratically determined through Ministerial directives. There is however little innovation in the form of local government that is being introduced. It expands the fusion of authority between elected Rural District Councils and unelected traditional authority functionaries. The forms of social organisation and agency that have emerged remain subordinated to the state with no links to other networks of rural producers‟ associations and urban civil society organisations. These developments form part of a longheld tradition within the Zimbabwean state where the legitimacy of local organisation and authority is usurped to service the interests of the state. Thus whilst land reform has to a certain extent accommodated the majority poor, the ensuing local government and agrarian reforms are more focused on limiting their participation in broader processes of political engagement around distribution and accumulation and their own governance.

Over the past fifteen years there has been an extensive conversion of land use from traditional farming practices to conservation and private game reserves. It has been suggested by Langholz and Kerley (2006:2) that privately owned preserved areas can engage in ecotourism initiatives by protecting biodiversity, succeeding financially and contributing to social upliftment. However, ecotourism has to operate within the context of historical land dispossession of the majority black population and current land reform initiatives to address this problem. In view of the economic, social and environmental importance of ecotourism based private game reserves (PGRs) in South Africa, particularly the Eastern Cape, the main goal of this research is to examine the Indalo association of private game reserves in the Eastern Cape Province’s development model for ex-farmworkers and adjacent communities. This was done through a literature survey and analysis of existing studies and by interviewing the managers of the Indalo PGRs and a few farmworkers to get their opinions of the tension between what they are doing and the imperatives of land reform. This involved an exploration of their community development work, particularly around issues of job creation, participation in decision-making, capacity building and sustainability. The thesis comes to the following conclusions. The first is that the establishment of PGRs have a significant positive impact on the local areas in which they are established. As a land-use, ecotourism based game reserves are an economically and ecologically desirable alternative to other land uses. Therefore the ecotourism based private game reserve industry with its extensive community development focus for farmworkers and local communities is a viable and sustainable alternative to conventional land reform. The second is that the Indalo PGRs development work has built capacity in the communities it has served. However, community participation, particularly in decision-making is limited and needs more attention if productive and sustainable development is to be achieved. Lastly, communities rely heavily on external support for their development and upliftment. However, the majority of the PGRs have/or are putting measures in place to ensure the continuation of community development projects to ensure the long-term sustainability of projects.

The aim of this study is to determine the security relevance of farm attacks in South Africa. This is based on the propositions that indications exist that farm attacks in the RSA reflect more than common criminality; that the combating of farm attacks requires specific measures; and that farm attacks in other African states, as well as prior to 1994 in some instances also in South Africa, had demonstrated specific political motives. In the search for the underlying causes behind the incidence of farm attacks, aspects such as the occurence of farm attacks elsewhere in Africa; the political history of the RSA; the dynamics associated with an increase in crime during political transition; land reform; and the extent of farm attacks in the RSA, were analysed. The occurence of farm attacks seems not to be unique to South Africa, as attacks of this nature also occurred in other African states such as Kenya and Zimbabwe. As could have been expected from international experience, crime increased substantially in South Africa during a period of radical political transition. Farm attacks, which inherently manifest as violent crimes, also increased, especially during the period between 1997 and 2001. Developments during South Africa’s political past led to a situation in which a substantial part of the population lost not only their political rights, but also their land. As a result, land reform is high on the agenda of those who feel deprived, as well as that of the government. The findings reached by commissions of enquiry and research into the causes of farm attacks reveal that crime is the single most important motive for farm attacks. Other motives were identified in single cases, but no common sinister motive or any specific organisation instigating farm attacks could be established. Although the level of trust between the farming community and government has in some cases suffered considerable harm, both parties are bound to the combating of farm attacks, including participation in the implementation of combined strategies such as the Rural Safety Plan. The occurrence of farm attacks is clearly a significant security issue. Although it is not yet considered as posing an immediate direct threat to national security, it has already been recognized that farm attacks could negatively impact on food security. The possibility of this phenomenon developing into a full-fledged national security issue, can thus not be excluded. / Dissertation (M (Security Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

This study critically analyzed land redistribution and economic empowerment of farm workers in the Stellenbosch agricultural area. Past socio-economic and political policies have resulted in a racially skewed and inequitable distribution of land as well as overcrowding, overstocking and poverty in the countryside. It has become imperative that fundamental change is brought about in order to improve economical opportunities of all South Africans to access land for beneficial and productive use. Land reform, as the central thrust of land policy, is not only part of the effort towards the creation of equitable land distribution, but also of national reconciliation and stability. This study analyzed the notion of economic empowerment of farm workers. It looked at historical overview of the evolution of politics in South Africa and contemporary legislative framework pertaining to land redistribution and farm workers in the Western Cape. A case study of Bouwland farm in the Stellenbosch agricultural area was used as an example of how land redistribution can contribute to economically empower farm workers.

Thesis (Ph.D. (Public Administration)) -- University of Limpopo, 2016 / Refer to document