The following thesis describes the life and activities of Jorge Ricardo Masetti, an Argentinian journalist who was assigned to interview Fidel Castro, leader of the Cuban Revolution against dictator Fulgencio Batista. Masetti was responsible for broadcasting interviews with Fidel Castro and Ernesto “Che” Guevara to the rest of Latin America for the first time, allowing people to understand what was happening in Cuba through the words of the Revolution’s leaders. Masetti returned to Cuba to found the first international Latin American news agency, Prensa Latina, which still exists today. However, ideological factionalism within Prensa Latina drove Masetti to resign in 1961. Afterwards, he worked closely with Che Guevara to foment a guerrilla uprising in the pair’s home country of Argentina, forming a guerrilla army known as the Ejército Guerrillero del Pueblo (EGP). Using the experiences of revolutionaries abroad in places like Cuba and Algeria, the EGP faced several setbacks in their area of operations, the province of Salta, that ultimately led to the group’s demise before their operations had truly begun. Masetti, cornered by the Argentine Gendarmerie, disappeared into the jungle in 1964, never to be seen again. His life illuminates aspects of transnational ideology, namely socialism, and its mosaic nature. His life also reveals facets of the informational and journalistic endeavors in Latin America during the Cold War.

Family violence, particularly the battering and abuse by men of women and children, has taken on different meanings over time in various cultures. This study looked at how therapeutic teams in Chile, working to intervene in cycles of violence, understand and define family violence in the 1990's. Using a qualitative and collaborative methodology, this research analyzed family violence discourses by looking at practitioners' personal, professional, and political ideas about physical and sexual abuse within the home. First, the literature about family violence in Chile was reviewed, as well as the political and legal issues that affect clinicians working in this area. Then, four interdisciplinary teams were interviewed with a reflecting team format. Three major themes emerged in the interviews with the teams. One theme was how family violence is defined including individualistic, societal, gender-sensitive, and systemic explanations, and the problems confronted in this task. Family violence was primarily defined as a political problem that is experienced as a private matter mostly by women and children. A second theme was the recursive relation that exists among the teams' interventions to care for their clients and the teams' evolving definitions of their clients. A third theme was the process by which the personal lives of the practitioners are affected by stories of family violence and trauma. Clients' experiences often reminded practitioners of their own vulnerability and potential for vicarious traumatization. The conclusion integrates these findings and outlines implications for research, training, and policy including: the potential of the reflecting team technique as a research tool, the need to include clients in further collaborative research and for gender based participatory research, the development of a curriculum to train practitioners that includes the exploration of personal experiences of family violence and how to confront vicarious traumatization, and the further development of a sound legal framework to confront family violence.

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<p>This dissertation examines how the crisis of World War I impacted imperial policy and popular claims-making in the British Caribbean. Between 1915 and 1918, tens of thousands of men from the British Caribbean volunteered to fight in World War I and nearly 16,000 men, hailing from every British colony in the region, served in the newly formed British West Indies Regiment (BWIR). Rousing appeals to imperial patriotism and manly duty during the wartime recruitment campaigns and postwar commemoration movement linked the British Empire, civilization, and Christianity while simultaneously promoting new roles for women vis-à-vis the colonial state. In Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, the two colonies that contributed over seventy-five percent of the British Caribbean troops, discussions about the meaning of the war for black, coloured, white, East Indian, and Chinese residents sparked heated debates about the relationship among race, gender, and imperial loyalty. </p><p>To explore these debates, this dissertation foregrounds the social, cultural, and political practices of BWIR soldiers, tracing their engagements with colonial authorities, military officials, and West Indian civilians throughout the war years. It begins by reassessing the origins of the BWIR, and then analyzes the regional campaign to recruit West Indian men for military service. Travelling with newly enlisted volunteers across the Atlantic, this study then chronicles soldiers' multi-sited campaign for equal status, pay, and standing in the British imperial armed forces. It closes by offering new perspectives on the dramatic postwar protests by BWIR soldiers in Italy in 1918 and British Honduras and Trinidad in 1919, and reflects on the trajectory of veterans' activism in the postwar era. </p><p>This study argues that the racism and discrimination soldiers experienced overseas fueled heightened claims-making in the postwar era. In the aftermath of the war, veterans mobilized collectively to garner financial support and social recognition from colonial officials. Rather than withdrawing their allegiance from the empire, ex-servicemen and civilians invoked notions of mutual obligation to argue that British officials owed a debt to West Indians for their wartime sacrifices. This study reveals the continued salience of imperial patriotism, even as veterans and their civilian allies invoked nested local, regional, and diasporic loyalties as well. In doing so, it contributes to the literature on the origins of patriotism in the colonial Caribbean, while providing a historical case study for contemporary debates about "hegemonic dissolution" and popular mobilization in the region. </p><p>This dissertation draws upon a wide range of written and visual sources, including archival materials, war recruitment posters, newspapers, oral histories, photographs, and memoirs. In addition to Colonial Office records and military files, it incorporates previously untapped letters and petitions from the Jamaica Archives, National Archives of Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados Department of Archives, and US National Archives.</p> / Dissertation

Tucked within Pomona College’s campus in Claremont, California, sits Frary Hall, the home of Mexican muralist Jose Clemente Orozco’s first work in the United States. The mural, titled Prometheus (1930), has been subjected to many instances of vandalism over the years. Thus, in 1980, a protective coating was applied. Today, the coating, a highly-reflective varnish, has been noted as a hindrance of the fresco’s original matte surface. Using case studies and art historical analysis, this thesis examines the importance of the mural within the history of Mexican muralism and the pros and cons of removing the protective coating. In addition, this research looks at the potential of art conservation as a means of reactivating the mural and promoting discussions across campus about the preservation of this cultural landmark. The thesis is culminated by a detailed proposal for the continued conservation of the mural, using Prometheus as a starting point for further discussions about aesthetics and ethics within the discourses of art history, art conservation and art restoration.

To challenge the dominant Mexican narrative of racial democracy that traditionally invisibilizes and delegitimizes those who have been affected by racism, it is imperative to deconstruct the discourse on mestizaje as a central component of Mexican national identity. The notion of México as a racial democracy is accepted throughout México, and is most evident in the nation’s culture and politics. To acknowledge that racism exists in México is essential, since it is impossible to work with a claim that people do not see, dismiss, or do not believe exists. Mestizaje has long been the promise of racial equality, but this uncritical and unexamined positioning of mestizaje ignores or trivializes the colonial and present day baggage that accompanies the term. The uncritical celebration of mestizaje needs to be supplanted with a reexamination of colonialism and capitalism, both of which influenced ideological theories and racial formation from the late sixteenth century through the twentieth century in the Americas.

Ten painted Cajamarca-style ceramic spoons form the foundation for an investigation of the way that these seemingly utilitarian objects were bestowed with economic and symbolic value both within and outside of the borders of the Cajamarca region, located in the north highlands of present-day Peru. Since the ceramic spoons have been recovered from sites associated with large and powerful societies and states, such as the Moche of the north coast and the Wari of the central highlands, an analysis of the form, style and imagery present on these spoons reveals how these objects transcended cultural boundaries. To assess and evaluate the cultural traits shared by the Cajamarca and neighboring polities, George Kubler’s concept of form-classes, which groups together objects with similar primary traits regardless of chronology, is utilized. The application of the concept of form-classes is significant because of the lack of written language in the region and the dearth of archaeological investigations in the Cajamarca area. Consequently, the form and style of the object is considered as the primary point of analysis and can be compared and contrasted with the form and style of spoons from other pre-Hispanic cultures, including the Wari, Huarpa and Chimu. Perceived as small, utilitarian items, ceramic spoons were actually elite goods traded or carried across thousands of miles for the purpose of establishing new, and reaffirming existing, ideological connections in a period of intense exchange and economic growth.

Neoliberal has bee largely responsible for the creation of a narcoestado. As the Mexican state abandon its previous cultural projects such as education, employment, and social services, economic void increased. Narco-traffickers have increasingly filled this vacuum. Arguably, the weaken pillars of Mexican society allowed narco-trafficking to penetrate the areas once fulfilled by the state. It has led to the recruitment of economically dislocated farmers and citizens to turn to narco-trafficking for financial stability. Although, the state and narco-traffickers at times compete with each other to fulfill some of these functions, they also at times co-exist and merge into what has been referred to as narcoestado. This metamorphosis between the state and narco-traffickers has been responsible for the increasing impunity of violence and crime in México. It is also a factor in the continuous disenfranchisement of the rights Mexican citizens. The ubiquitous violence and fear have altered the ways Mexicans negotiate their rights. It has led to many resistance efforts and organizing across the country with the most notable example of autodefesas.