O presente trabalho analisa as manifestações brasileiras nas Conferências Pan-Americanas, entre 1889 e 1928. Busca-se compreender os discursos identitários construídos pelos países representados nas Conferências, bem como quais foram os argumentos que definiram as proximidades e os distanciamentos entre o Brasil e os Estados Unidos e entre o Brasil e os demais países latino-americanos, especialmente os países do Cone Sul. Procura-se entender, ainda, os debates em torno da proposta de união aduaneira e as discussões sobre a questão da arbitragem. / The current work analyzes the Brazilian manifestations at the Pan-American Conferences, between the years of 1889 and 1928. The main goal is to understand the identitary adresses built by the countries that were represented at the Conferences, as well as to define what were the arguments that explained the proximities and distances between Brazil and United States, and Brazil and the other Latin-American countries. It is also a goal to understand the debates about the customs union, as well as the discussions on the arbitrament issues.

Pretende-se analisar a publicação de impressos de grupos anarquistas no período inicial do movimento operário de Buenos Aires. Durante a formação das primeiras organizações operárias na cidade, a atividade editorial teve um papel central para estes grupos, cumprindo a função de propaganda e também de organização. Buscaremos estudar a esfera da edição, pesquisando quais assuntos e autores eram publicados, quais suportes eram adotados e quem eram os indivíduos que estavam à frente do trabalho de edição e da comercialização dos impressos, investigando quais eram os circuitos de venda e distribuição dos mesmos. Acreditamos que estas questões podem contribuir para a compreensão das estratégias adotadas por estes grupos para a propaganda de suas ideias, bem como a importância da atividade editorial para aglutinar militantes. Dessa forma, podemos entender o processo de desenvolvimento do anarquismo no movimento operário em Buenos Aires, problematizando a relação entre edição e política. / The objective is analyzing the publication of printed materials of anarchist groups in the initial period of the worker\'s movement in Buenos Aires. During the creation of the first worker\'s organizations in the city, the publishing activity had a major role for these groups, with the functions of propaganda and organization. We will study the editing field through a research on the subjects and the authors that were published, and also on the adopted media and on the people who were on the head of the editing work, trying to find out which were the selling and distribution networks. We believe that these matters can help us to understand the strategies chosen by these groups for promoting their ideas and the importance of the editing activity to get activists together. Thus, we can comprehend the development process of anarchism in the worker\'s movement in Buenos Aires by the relations between politics and publishing.

This thesis explores the relationship between colonialism and the environment through a study of hurricanes in Cuba and Puerto Rico. Because hurricanes do not discriminate between international borders, they reveal much about the influences of political, economic, and social structures on vulnerability to hurricanes, hurricane preparation, and hurricane relief efforts. The Caribbean is a region that has been disproportionately impacted by hurricanes. It is also a region that has been wholly shaped by colonization. Prior to Christopher Columbus’ arrival in the Caribbean, natives on islands like Puerto Rico and Cuba built and structured their societies around hurricanes and other catastrophes. Different aspects of colonialism altered the relationship between Puerto Ricans and Cubans and their respective environments. Though Puerto Rico and Cuba share incredibly similar histories, competing trajectories have emerged on both islands as they have undergone processes of decolonization and independence. An examination of Cuban and Puerto Rican history prior to Hurricane Irma and Hurricane María in 2017 provides a deeper understanding of the divergent histories of both islands. Ultimately, this study demonstrates that the legacy of colonialism continues to impact the identities and security of Cuba and Puerto Rico today.

In 1928 Hipo´lito lrigoyen was the most popular President that the Argentine people had elected. Two years later his popularity had evaporated and a few hundred military cadets ousted the government. The reasons go beyond this two-year period. Argentina, contrary to popular belief, did not have a democratic tradition. The nation had been ruled by the dominant economic interests up to 1916. In 1916, Hipo´lito Irigoyen was elected to his first term. The people expected him to provide them with a decent and honorable life. But in choosing the legal path of elections instead of revolution Irigoyen pre-empted any revolutionary social changes. In 1928, Irigoyen, at 76, surprised his opponents and won a second term. He was loved by the people as he had embodied their spirit. But lrigoyen considered his victory as a mandate from the people, not an election. As the ends justified the means, the government operated on the margin of legality. lrigoyen had abandoned the principles that he had fought to maintain for over thirty years. This could have been tolerated if lrigoyen had enacted some pervasive social measures to maintain his support. Instead he permitted the usurped power to remain idle. The governmental processes slowed to a snail's pace. Appointments were not made, contracts were not signed, payments were not made while the President was intent upon increasing his power for power alone. The governmental inactivity and usurpations caused a wave of political unrest which culminated in the military golpe de estado of September 6, 1930.

Over the past century, the Japanese community in Peru has grown to be the second largest in South America. Their arrival and subsequent success in small businesses posed a threat to the Peruvian attempt to “whiten” their population. Because of this, racial conflicts arose between the Japanese and Peruvians, leading to the widespread “Yellow Peril” epidemic. Anti-Japanese sentiments caused immigration reduction laws and in the years leading up to WWII, tensions grew. During this time, the Japanese community remained ethnically close, maintaining transnational ties with Japan. This changed after the war, when their sojourner mentality changed to the permanence of Peru as a home. The community slowly built up to where they are today as a respected ethnic minority. They were able to do so because of the creation of a new pan-ethnic identity, Nikkei. This new identity allowed the Japanese population to adopt certain aspects of both their Japanese and Peruvian identities, both which at this point were becoming problematic to represent who they were. Identity formation of immigrants is a complicated process in which identities of the new country clash with lasting identities from their home country. The Nikkei identity allows for the Japanese to still maintain certain ties with Japan, yet not be constrained to being totally Japanese. During the process of assimilation into Peruvian society, the Japanese have come to rely on their new Nikkei identity as a way to distinguish themselves within Peruvian society, while at the same time resisting exclusion and marginalization.

THE MEXICAN HYDRA: HOW CALDERÓN’S PURSUIT OF PEACE LED TO THE BLOODIEST WAR IN MEXICAN HISTORY. WILL THE MEXICAN PEOPLE INHERIT A FAILED STATE IN 2012? Abstract Marco Antonio Pinon-Farah The drug-war in Mexico (2006-present) has accelerated at a chilling rate, claiming the lives of 35,000 Mexican people. Since President Felipe Calderón assumed office, Mexico has been battling an internal beast unlike any it has known, the Mexican Hydra. Like the mythical creature, the Mexican cartels have proven capable of not only combating the government forces, but also of regenerating and strengthening themselves in the face of increasing government scrutiny and the loss of several prominent Mexican cartel leaders. Feuding between individual cartels and the Mexican government continue to maintain a significant portion of the country, particularly the states of Chihuahua and Sinaloa, in a paralytic state of fear. Struggling to maintain the safety of all people in Mexico, the military must also contend with the reality that it is often outgunned by the increasingly powerful drug-trafficking organizations (DTOs). Given the historical accusations of corruption in Mexican judicial, military, and police authorities, this branch of the government is constantly fighting for the trust and support of the Mexican people in order to fulfill its duties and obligations. The moral guide of Mexican society since Spanish conquest, the Catholic Church, has been notably missing from the debate until recent years in which it has chosen to speak up more frequently on behalf of those who have suffered human rights violations. In recent months, the Church and the State have been working towards a partnership to publicly condemn the violence and fear that has become all too common in Mexico. This state of chaos has been further examined by the musical phenomenon, “el narcocorrido,” (drug song). Derived from the “corrido,” one of Mexico’s most valued methods of cultural expression and storytelling, this new take on the genre provides a controversial view and analysis of the Mexican drug-trafficker. Much like the American gangsta-rap genre, the narcocorrido glamorizes the lives of individuals who are considered criminals by society. With police being criticized and the government accused of corruption and abuse, the narcocorrido is a manifestation of the sentiments of many Mexican people past and present. This cultural force allows for a greater understanding of the complexity of the drug-war in Mexico, in that it is not simply a struggle between the people and the drug industry, but rather it exposes the nature of the war for what it truly is, a battle between one Mexican presidential administration and the drug trafficking industry. President Calderón’s strategy has been successful in eliminating various important Mexican DTO leaders, however it also has been responsible for a rise in violence between the cartels and government. His strategy has left thousands dead and set a precedent for future Mexican presidents in that they are now all committed to this war, for a withdrawal from the conflict would be catastrophic for the Mexican state. Calderón is already struggling to maintain his government’s legitimacy, and it is becoming increasingly true that his state verges on failure due to its inability to guarantee and protect the rights afforded to its citizens by the Mexican Constitution.

The War on Drugs in Latin America: How Misinterpretation Led to Failed Policy investigates how and why United States counternarcotics policy failed abroad, specifically in the northern Andean region. This work examines the entire history of the US waged War on Drugs abroad beginning with President Richard M. Nixon and concluding with current President Barack Obama. After this thorough examination alternative counternarcotics policies are examined.

<p>Este trabajo estudia el proceso de invención del espacio en el México colonial durante el siglo XVI y XVII, entendiendo la invención del espacio como la inserción de una conceptualización del entorno ajena a la experiencia de las comunidades indígenas nahuas. Primero se define la idea particular de cosmos, territorio y tierra manejada por los nahuas previo a la llegada española entendida como tlacauhtli, y su conformación mediante los principios de cahuitl (tiempo), ollin (movimiento), nepantla (equilibrio), y tonalli (fuerza) por medio del análisis de documentos prehispánicos y coloniales concernientes a la cosmología nahua. Luego, utilizando la propuesta de Aníbal Quijano sobre la implementación de la matriz colonial de poder en América, se analizan los aspectos de esta matriz en su relación con los procesos de dominación del territorio, motor de la creación del espacio en el México colonial, mediante los procesos de estructuración de los pueblos indígenas coloniales, la economía y el trabajo de la tierra, la deshumanización del espacio mexicano y la cartografía novohispana. Finalmente, se desarrolla la idea de subsistencia de los principios fundamentales del tlacauhtli a pesar de la implementación del concepto de espacio y de la dominación del territorio mexicano por parte de la corona española. En cada ámbito de la matriz, se develan resistencias de la antigua percepción del entorno nahua frente a los cambios impulsados por el proceso colonial.</p> / Dissertation

Until relatively recently, the view of Late Pleistocene hunter-gatherers in the Americas was dominated by the “Clovis-first” paradigm. However, recent discoveries have challenged traditional views and forced reconsiderations of the timing, processes, and scales used in modeling the settlement of the Americas. Chief among these discoveries has been the recognition of a wide range of early cultural diversity throughout the Americas that is inconsistent with previously held notions of cultural homogeneity. During the Late Pleistocene-Early Holocene, the development of widely varying economic, technological and mobility strategies in distinct environments is suggestive of a range of different adaptations and traditions. It is argued that colonization was a disjointed process involving alternative, perhaps competing strategies at local and regional levels. Individual groups likely employed distinct strategies for settling new landscapes. These different strategies are reflected in the cultural variability that has been documented in the Late Pleistocene-Early Holocene archaeological records of South and North America. A scalar framework for conceptualizing and modeling this variability on local, regional, and continental scales is introduced. Although primarily focused on local and regional reconstructions, the results can be integrated with other regional studies to generate more comprehensive, continental-scale models of the peopling of the New World. This research provides insight into the local and regional variability—in terms of settlement patterns and economic and technological strategies—present in the archaeological record of at least two formally recognized Late Pleistocene-Early Holocene complexes (Fishtail and Paiján complexes) in the Quebradas del Batán and Talambo of the lower Jequetepeque Valley, northern Perú. Results of extensive survey, excavation, and materials analyses are used to characterize mobility strategies and settlement organization. This research indicates that two distinct patterns of site types, settlement, subsistence, and technology existed at the local level between the Fishtail (ca. 11,200-10,200 B.P.) and Paiján (ca. 10,800-9,000 B.P.); these patterns are indicative of differing regional strategies of colonization. Lastly, it is suggested that the adaptations and behaviors pursued during regional settlement, particularly by Paiján groups, set in motion an increasing reliance on plant foods and an early trend toward sedentism that carried forward into the Holocene period.

This paper examines the history of civil military relations in Mexico and Argentina in an attempt to understand why Mexico was able to subordinate its military following the fall of the Porfírian military regime, while Argentina experienced decades of military intervention into the civilian sphere. It argues that strong governmental and political institutions in Mexico were the key to subordinating the Mexican military to civilian control, while patterns of populist political movements in Argentina hampered the formation of strong governmental institutions that would have enabled the subordination of the military to civilian control.