Over the course of a modern lifetime, television viewing accounts for a significant amount of information taken in by viewers. Within that consumption lies a potential problem. Viewers may learn erroneous messages about people and the world. Since television has characterized Latinos in ways that have emphasized cultural stereotypes, viewers may learn to perceive them in a corresponding manner. A questionnaire was administered to a sample of 403 students from five universities and two community colleges located in Northern California. The respondents completed a seventy-one item questionnaire. Five key variables were utilized to measure relationships between them. The key variables included: learning about Latinos from television, positive perceptions of Latinos, negative Latino stereotypes, willingness to communicate with Latinos, and self-esteem. Frequency, correlation, and regression analyses indicated that there was significant interplay between the key variables. The results revealed an association between learning about Latinos from television and negative Latino stereotypes. Similarly, lower willingness to communicate with Latinos was associated with negative Latino stereotypes. However, higher willingness to communicate with Latinos was associated with positive perceptions of Latinos. Likewise, willingness to communicate with Latinos was positively associated with self-esteem. A multiple regression analysis indicated that learning about Latinos from television and lower willingness to communicate with Latinos were predictors of negative Latino stereotypes. Conversely, a second regression analysis indicated that higher willingness to communicate with Latinos and positive interaction with Latinos were predictors of positive perceptions of Latinos.

No description available.

This study looks to Spanish-language radio as a culturally appropriate tool for educating immigrant adults. Recognized extensively as an effective tool for educating and empowering individuals, many consider radio the medium of choice of the less literate. This descriptive study examines the only national Spanish-language talk show in public radio, Línea Abierta , to discover the educational benefits of this program and to determine whether it contributes to the empowerment of its listeners. Thirty-five Latino immigrant adults were interviewed across three states either by phone or face-to-face utilizing a standardized interview protocol. Findings are analyzed according to the ideas of John Dewey, Paulo Freire, and Lev Vygotsky. Results of the study suggest that the program, Línea Abierta , facilitates the empowerment of its listeners by (a) contributing to increased awareness and access to information; (b) enhancing the sense of community of Latinos; and (c) providing a dialogic tool that allows people to take the initiative in adapting and transforming their lives. The data indicate that the program has made a difference in the quality of peoples' lives. The data support other studies that document the importance of maintaining and building upon the home language and culture. The program, Línea Abierta , creates Vygotskian zones of proximal development by challenging immigrant listeners to co-construct knowledge through dialogue and discussion with their peers.

This research produces original empirical estimates of Hispanics in Florida’s Dept. of Corrections (FDOC) and uses those estimates to measure the impact felony disenfranchisement is having on Hispanics in Florida. Research institutions find that data on Hispanics in the criminal justice system, particularly in Florida, is either lacking or inaccurate. This research addresses this problem by applying an optimal surname list method using Census Bureau data and Bayes Theorem to produce an empirical estimate of Hispanics in FDOC’s data. Using the Hispanic rate derived from the empirical FDOC analysis, the rate of Hispanics in the disenfranchised population is estimated. The results reveal that FDOC systematically undercounts Hispanics (and overcounts Whites) by nearly 8 percent—i.e., there are over 2.5 times more Hispanics in FDOC data than actually reported by FDOC. However, even when applying the upward adjusted rate of Hispanics to the disenfranchised population, Hispanics are still underrepresented and less likely to be disenfranchised than their White and Black counterparts in Florida. This research provides an accurate up-to-date state of the data with respect to Hispanics in FDOC; it applies a surname method which other researchers can use to address lacking or inaccurate data on Hispanics in the criminal justice system; and it calls into question research that relies on FDOC’s inaccurate race data. Taken together, these findings might facilitate answers to many pressing questions on felony disenfranchisement in Florida and its impact on the political process.

No description available.

This study explored the caregiving styles of 306 grandparents raising grandchild across three ethnic groups (164 European Americans, 65 Latinos, and 77 African Americans). Significant differences were found in caregiving styles between European Americans and African Americans. Caregiver appraisal (burden, satisfaction, and Mastery) was found to be predictive of caregiving style across the entire sample, and differentially by ethnic group. Caregiver style was predictive of grandchild functioning across the entire sample, and differentially by ethnic group. Lastly, caregiver style was found to be predictive of grandparent well-being across the entire sample, and differentially by ethnic group. Implications are discussed in terms of the complex, multidimensional and culturally embedded nature of the caregiving experience and the importance of considering culture for optimal outcomes.

Dans cette thèse, j'ai montré les processus de négociation identitaire, les discours hégémoniques et les structures du sentiment qui opèrent au sein des expositions qui traitent le multiculturalisme et le métissage. J'ai étudié des expositions produites par des musées nationaux en France et aux États-Unis. Mes études de cas ont été développées au Musée National d'Art Mexicain de Chicago et au Musée du quai Branly à Paris entre 2006 et 2009. Mon analyse montre les processus qui interviennent dans la mise en scène d'un discours muséal complexe. L'étude place au centre de ses hypothèses trois dimensions initiales qui participent à la construction du sens dans les expositions : a) la production du sens, b) la circulation ou distribution du sens et c) la réalisation ou appropriation du sens. Dans la première partie de ma thèse, j'ai exploré les catégories de "sens et signification" à partir d'une approche philosophique. J'ai discuté la généalogie de ces notions avant de développer une approche culturaliste, notamment à partir de la théorie d'Antonio Gramsci, de Stuart Hall et de Raymond Williams, pour qui la signification n'est pas une donnée en soi mais une construction qui se développe à partir des luttes sociales, politiques et symboliques qui cherchent à contrôler les représentations et les croyances. Cette compréhension de la culture, en tant qu'espace de lutte d'interprétations, a ouvert la voie aux analyses de pouvoir et de discours au sein de l'univers muséal. J'ai développé les définitions de culture, occident, hégémonie, idéologies, intellectuelles et structures de sentiment afin de définir le cadre conceptuel qui sert de base théorique pour mes études de cas. Ensuite, j'ai présenté une étude minutieuse sur les origines et le développement des musées, du patrimoine et de la nation. Enfin, j'ai montré les débats contemporains en études culturelles des musées, les approches critiques et anthropologiques et l'importance de développer des études de cas concrètes à partir de cette discipline. La deuxième partie de la thèse présente la méthodologie employée ainsi que les études de cas. J'ai souligné l'importance de la transdisciplinarité comme méthode privilégiée pour l'analyse ainsi que les méthodologies employées pour l'étude des expositions : l'observation à l'intérieur et à l'extérieur du musée, la saisie des témoignages et des entretiens, l'usage des questionnaires et des formulaires. La sélection des musées et des expositions a été réalisée en fonction de la thématique des expositions et pas en fonction des collections ou des objets exposés. J'ai cherché à analyser des musées qui entretenaient un rapport hégémonique avec les sujets de l'exposition. Ceci afin de questionner les transferts culturels, les identités contemporaines en tension ou en conflit, et la cohabitation symbolique des sentiments d'appartenance. Aux États-Unis, j'ai analysé les expositions du Musée National d'Art Mexicain (NMMA) de Chicago. Les expositions étudiées furent : "La Mexicanidad" et "La présence de l'Afrique au Mexique". À Paris, j'ai analysé l'exposition Planète métisse produite par le Musée du quai Branly (MQB). Afin de comprendre la construction du sens des expositions, j'ai interrogé la communauté de production (directeurs, commissaires, comités et collectifs qui ont participé), la médiation et les messages à partir des artistes ou à partir de la propre mise en scène des objets d'exposition. Enfin, j'ai travaillé auprès d'une communauté d'interprètes afin de privilégier une analyse des discours en contexte et pas une méthode purement spéculative. Le résultat de mes analyses montre que les musées étudiés disposent des spécialistes qui légitiment scientifiquement la mise en scène discursive d'expositions, et que la fabrication ou production des sujets d'expositions est liée à des conjonctures politiques particulières. En effet, ces musées ont produit des expositions "engagées" en défendant une dimension culturelle et anthropologique. Avec ce geste, ils transformaient la muséographie classique de l'institution muséale. Par exemple, le NMMA de Chicago n'a pas seulement exposé des objets d'art. Il a sans nul doute proposé un discours de répercussion politique afin de démonter les frontières de race et d'ethnicité. À Paris, le MQB a exposé l'historicité du métissage planétaire. De cette manière, l'exposition interrogeait les discours sur l'identité nationale française, et contribuait au débat autour de la stigmatisation de la migration contemporaine. J'ai démontré, que la façon de sélectionner, d'identifier, de différencier, de hiérarchiser et d'exposer les objets, reflète des nouvelles pratiques culturelles, parfois innovatrices et même post-coloniales. Finalement, l'analyse sur le regard de la communauté des interprètes a fourni les résultats les plus originaux de ma recherche. J'ai montré que quand le visiteur parcourt l'exposition, il établit un accord plus ou moins harmonieux entre lui et le discours de l'institution. Si le visiteur "interroge" le sens de l'exposition, il le fait à partir des structures du sentiment qui dévoilent les identités ou liens d'appartenances des individus. En effet, dans mes études de cas, les expositions abordaient de manière explicite les problématiques concernant les différences culturelles et les identités. Cela amenait le visiteur à se situer à partir d'une circonstance individuelle précise, soit par rapport à sa nationalité, son origine, son genre ou son appartenance à une culture.

Men are frequently left out of the picture in the study of family planning and sexual risk behavior. This approach means few programs and policies address men's family planning and sexual health issues. There is also a lack of understanding of the role fatherhood plays in men's development and in family planning and sexual health. For Mexican immigrant men, the picture is even worse given their disadvantaged position and the unique obstacles they face (e.g., language barriers, acculturation issues) that put them at risk for experiencing unintended pregnancies and contracting Sexually Transmitted Infections (STIs). Grounded in symbolic interactionism and life course theory, I explored how social roles (e.g., partner, father), individual factors (e.g., education, cultural values), and health systems influence the family planning and sexual risk-taking experiences of young Mexican immigrant men paying particular attention to differences and similarities between fathers and nonfathers. To answer the research questions, a qualitative study was conducted using secondary data from the Latino Health Project: Men Only. The sample was comprised of 21 fathers and 25 nonfathers ages 18 to 30 (N = 46), all of whom had lived in the United States for 10 years or fewer, thus being considered recent immigrants. Data for the project were collected using a semi-structured interview guide with open-ended questions followed by directive probes. The analysis process used grounded theory methodology techniques (LaRossa, 2005). Key findings suggest that both fatherhood status and partners play an important role in men's experience with sexual and reproductive health, with partners playing a more influential role. Fatherhood plays a more active role in men's ideas about family planning while partners seem to play an influential role in men's actual behaviors such as engaging in family planning services and using birth control other than condoms. The influence that fatherhood and partners have on men's experiences with family planning and sexual risk-taking was shaped by a unique combination of accurate information, different levels of knowledge, and misinformation. Access to services was shaped by health systems that prevented men from seeking services due to documentation issues and economic barriers. Cultural factors such as machismo, marianismo, and personalismo also influenced some attitudes and behaviors related to birth control use, vasectomies, risk-taking, and services utilization. Findings suggest these men are exposing themselves and their partners to unintended pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections. Beyond these being public health concerns, it is crucial that researchers, policy makers, and service providers remember that current sexual risk behaviors have a direct impact on the fertility and family formation patterns of the fastest growing population in the United States. / Graduation date: 2012 / Access restricted to the OSU Community at author's request from Jan. 9, 2012 - Jan. 9, 2013

In this dissertation I systematically examine African-American and Latino legislator behavior in a legislative setting. The project specifically examines whether and how minority legislators represent and influence African American and Latino policy interests during the legislative process. I perform an analysis of minority legislator participation rates on bills and develop an original measure of substantive representation using patterns in legislative speech of state representatives’ language during committee hearings. I build on existing theory in the representation literature and offer new hypotheses for expanding the scope of how substantive representation is defined and investigated, namely through an empirical investigation of the link between deliberation and descriptive representation. Second, I collect an original data set and develop an original measure of substantive representation to test these hypotheses with participation rates and a linguistic frame based content analysis approach of minority and non-minority representatives’ language on bills for racial perspectives during state legislative committee hearings on several policy issue areas including, but not limited to education, healthcare, and immigration. Third, I offer a critical test of hypotheses to test whether African American and Latino representatives’ (1) participate more when the legislation is deemed minority interest in comparison to their non-minority counterparts? (2) their behavior (or deliberation style) is different from non-minority legislators? (3) impact the deliberation style of non-minority legislators? The analysis draws on original data collected through committee hearing tapes and online video archives of Texas committee hearings in multiple policy areas, and the findings indicate that minority legislators do indeed provide a voice for minority constituents, providing more minority interest language on minority interest bills in comparison to their non-minority colleagues, especially when the legislation is threatening to minority populations. These results support the argument that minority legislators do indeed substantively represent minority constituents at levels greater than non-minority representatives during the legislative process.

In this dissertation I systematically examine African-American and Latino legislator behavior in a legislative setting. The project specifically examines whether and how minority legislators represent and influence African American and Latino policy interests during the legislative process. I perform an analysis of minority legislator participation rates on bills and develop an original measure of substantive representation using patterns in legislative speech of state representatives’ language during committee hearings. I build on existing theory in the representation literature and offer new hypotheses for expanding the scope of how substantive representation is defined and investigated, namely through an empirical investigation of the link between deliberation and descriptive representation. Second, I collect an original data set and develop an original measure of substantive representation to test these hypotheses with participation rates and a linguistic frame based content analysis approach of minority and non-minority representatives’ language on bills for racial perspectives during state legislative committee hearings on several policy issue areas including, but not limited to education, healthcare, and immigration. Third, I offer a critical test of hypotheses to test whether African American and Latino representatives’ (1) participate more when the legislation is deemed minority interest in comparison to their non-minority counterparts? (2) their behavior (or deliberation style) is different from non-minority legislators? (3) impact the deliberation style of non-minority legislators? The analysis draws on original data collected through committee hearing tapes and online video archives of Texas committee hearings in multiple policy areas, and the findings indicate that minority legislators do indeed provide a voice for minority constituents, providing more minority interest language on minority interest bills in comparison to their non-minority colleagues, especially when the legislation is threatening to minority populations. These results support the argument that minority legislators do indeed substantively represent minority constituents at levels greater than non-minority representatives during the legislative process.