Magister Legum - LLM (Public Law and Jurisprudence) / In any democratic society, elections are a significant mechanism for citizens to communicate with their representatives. As a result, elections provide a window of opportunity to every voter to hire or fire any political party or independent representative. As an aggregated measure of popular preference, elections constitute an important means to affirm that people in any society should be free to choose their own government based on the parties political beliefs and policies that appeal to the needs of the electorates. Powell sums up this perspective in two points; first, the voter must be able to identify the prospective future governors and have some idea of what they will do if elected. Secondly, the outcome of the elections should bring into office a coherent government whose inherent powers are clearly defined and limited. However, elections sometimes do not produce a single party with an absolute majority to form a government. In such an instance, a coalition or minority government becomes inevitable. It has been argued that coalitions are formed for two different yet interrelated reasons; first to pursue common goals among coalition partners. Secondly, to enable the coalition partners to share the benefits related with being in power. No matter what the intentions are for forming a coalition by the political parties, coalition governments are bound to encounter challenges. One of the challenges is the need to consult and reach consensus among coalition partners, which may not only result in government decision-making being slower but also more complex. Secondly, conflicts within a ruling coalition can make a government unstable and weak due to conflicting ideologies.

Este trabalho tem o objetivo de analisar a emergência de novos partidos políticos no Brasil entre 1979 e 2015 visando a compreender se o arcabouço legal é suficiente para explicar este fenômeno. Com base na literatura de Ciência política, estudamos a formação de novas organizações partidárias na Nova Democracia a partir de três dimensões: aspecto político, contexto socioeconômico e arcabouço legal. A pesquisa está dividida em quatro capítulos: sendo que o primeiro consiste em uma revisão da literatura sobre novos partidos e o segundo é destinado às considerações metodológicas que orientaram o trabalho. O terceiro capítulo analisa o surgimento de novos partidos no Brasil sob a ótica do contexto político, do aspecto socioeconômico e do arcabouço legal de acordo com os cenários dos seis períodos históricos recortados: 1979 a 1984, 1985 a 1989, 1990 a 1994, 1995 a 2002, 2003 a 2010 e 2011 a 2015. Dentro de cada um destes períodos, as variáveis foram classificadas como incentivadoras ou inibidoras em relação à criação de novos partidos. Por fim, o último capítulo é dedicado a responder ao problema de pesquisa, articulando as análises dos períodos de forma comparada. Os resultados encontrados confirmaram a hipótese de que um arcabouço legal é necessário para compreender o surgimento de novas organizações partidárias, mas não é suficiente para explicar este fenômeno, que é complexo e multicausal. / This paper aims to analyze the new political parties’ emergence in Brazil between 1979 and 2015 in order to understand if the legal framework is sufficient to explain this phenomenon. Based on the Political Science literature, the formation of new parties is studied from three variables: political, socioeconomic and legal framework. This research is divided in four chapters: the first consists in a literature review about new parties’ formation and the second is dedicated to the methodological considerations that guided this study. The third chapter analyses the new political parties’ emergence in Brazil considering political, socioeconomic and legal aspects according to the scenarios of the six historical periods determined: 1979 to 1984, 1985 to 1989, 1990 to 1994, 1995 to 2002, 2003 to 2010 and 2011 to 2015. For each period, the variables were classified as encourager or inhibitor of new parties’ formation. The last chapter articulates the analysis of the periods in a comparative perspective. The results confirmed the hypothesis: the legal framework is required to understand new parties’ formation, even though it is not enough to explain this phenomenon, which is complex and multifactorial.

Trata-se de dissertação de mestrado sobre o regime jurídico dos assim chamados contratos de colaboração, instrumentos negociais de caráter continuado celebrados entre o Estado Brasileiro e o terceiro setor, organizações da sociedade civil sem fins lucrativos de objetivos sociais. Situa-se no contexto do crescente processo de emparceiramento dos setores público e privado brasileiros vivenciado nas últimas duas décadas, resultado da redemocratização do país comandada pela Constituição Federal de 1988, com a revitalização da cidadania ativa e reintrodução do homem no centro do jogo político, econômico e social. Tem como pano de fundo a mudança paradigmática da Administração Pública Brasileira operada pela Reforma da década de 1990, que substituiu o perfil essencialmente burocrático dos órgãos e entidades administrativas pelo modelo gerencial de gestão pública, caracterizado pela flexibilização de procedimentos, recurso à consensualidade, estímulo à participação cidadã, foco na eficiência das prestações administrativas e incorporação do controle de resultados. Examinando a natureza jurídica desses vínculos formais de parceria nos serviços sociais, das partes envolvidas e do seu objeto, este trabalho constrói um estatuto jurídico mínimo/comum de toda e qualquer relação colaborativa social entabulada entre o Estado Brasileiro e a iniciativa privada sem fins lucrativos, rompendo com a dicotomia estanque dos regimes de Direito Público e Direito Privado. É nessa perspectiva que se analisam 04 (quatro) sub-regimes: de seleção de entidades privadas de colaboração; de prestação colaborada de serviços sociais; de contratação de terceiros pelas entidades privadas de colaboração; e de controle dos contratos de colaboração. / This is a Masters Thesis on the legal framework of the so-called collaboration contracts, continuous trading instruments concluded between the Brazilian State and the third sector, non-profit organizations with social objectives. It is located in the context of the growing partnership process betwixt the Brazilian public and private sectors experienced in the last two decades, a consequence of the re-democratization of the country coordinated by the Federal Constitution of 1988, with the revitalization of active citizenship and reintroduction of the man at the center of political, economic and social game. Its background is the paradigm shift of the Brazilian Public Administration operated by the Reform of the 1990s, which replaced the essentially bureaucratic profile of organs and administrative bodies by the managerial model of public management, characterized by the easing of procedures, use of consensuality, encouraging of citizen participation, focus on the efficiency of administrative services and incorporation of the control over results. Examining the legal nature of these partnerships in social services, of the parties involved and of their object, this study develops a minimum/common legal framework of any social collaborative relationship engaged by the Brazilian State with the non-profit private initiative, breaking with the tight dichotomy of Public Law and Private Law regimes. In this perspective, it is analyzed four sub-schemes: selection of collaborative private entities; collaboratively provision of social services; contracting of third parties by collaborative entities; and control of collaboration contracts.

Magister Philosophiae - MPhil / Instability in the administration of municipalities is a particularly serious problem in the Western Cape because of its large number of coalition councils. Coalitions have led to frequent changes in local governance and to constant changes in political and administrative leadership. Due to the fluidity in local government, the politics of the day have become synonymous with back-stabbing, secret agreements and arrangements between politicians and political parties wishing to align themselves in such a way as to gain control of the councils.1 A municipality is required by the Constitution2 to structure and manage its administration and budgets, budgeting and planning processes so as to give priority to the basic needs of the community and to promote the social and economic development of the community.3 Legislation further prescribes that “a municipality must within its administrative and financial capacity establish and organize its administration in a manner that would enable the municipality to establish clear relationships, facilitate coordination, cooperation and communication between (i) its political structures and political office bearers and its administration; (ii) its political structures, political office bearers and administration and the local community”.4 It may therefore be argued that a municipality subscribing to the abovementioned prescripts should be functioning effectively. However, in practice continuous administrative and political instability adversely impacts on a municipality‟s capacity to provide service delivery to the community. The 2006 local government elections resulted in only four out of 30 municipalities in the Western Cape having a single party with more than 50% of the seats (outright majority). The remaining 26 municipalities were governed by coalitions of two or more parties. In 2001, Parliament introduced floor-crossing legislation which allowed Members of Parliament, Members of Provincial Legislatures and local government councillors to change their political party (or form a new party) and retains their seats when they did so.5 As a result of the 2007 floor-crossing legislation, the number of municipalities with an outright majority increased to 7. Power changes continued to occur even after the 2007 floor-crossing as a result of by-election outcomes or new internal coalition arrangements. Coalition government in the Western Cape remains a reality following the 18 May 2011 local government elections: the Democratic Alliance won 12 municipalities outright, the African National Congress won 1, and in 12 municipalities there was no outright winner. Of the 12 last-mentioned municipalities, 7 municipalities produced hung municipalities, i.e. Bitou, Witzenberg, Laingsburg, Hessequa, Theewaterskloof, Matzikama and Prince Albert. / South Africa

Energy is the main driving force behind all human activities. Energy use is blamed for its contribution to greenhouse gas, environmental degradation among others. Energy efficiency has been identified as an important tool to address these issues. Recognising the important role of energy efficiency, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) introduced policy measures to address energy efficiency at both regional and national levels. South Africa (a member state of SADC) followed by introducing policies, legislation, tax incentives and voluntary measures such as SANS standards and ISO 50001 to address energy use via energy efficiency. The aim of this study is to assess South Africa’s framework pertaining to energy efficiency and determine whether they correspond to the SADC energy frameworks. In this study, it is indicated that energy efficiency does not have a universally acceptable definition. SADC’s frameworks pertaining to energy efficiency are quite vague compared to South Africa’s policy framework. South Africa’s policies, legal frameworks and voluntary instruments correspond with the SADC frameworks and even go beyond these frameworks. It is recommended that SADC’s frameworks should specify measures of attaining energy efficiency within its mandated tools, urge member states to develop legislation as well as voluntary measures as means of attaining energy efficiency. The South African Minister of Energy on the other hand, should fulfil the mandate of the Electricity Regulation Act and the National Energy Act by enacting regulations pertaining to energy efficiency. Incentives for the introduction of voluntary energy efficiency measures should also be developed. / LLM (Environmental law and governance), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

Energy is the main driving force behind all human activities. Energy use is blamed for its contribution to greenhouse gas, environmental degradation among others. Energy efficiency has been identified as an important tool to address these issues. Recognising the important role of energy efficiency, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) introduced policy measures to address energy efficiency at both regional and national levels. South Africa (a member state of SADC) followed by introducing policies, legislation, tax incentives and voluntary measures such as SANS standards and ISO 50001 to address energy use via energy efficiency. The aim of this study is to assess South Africa’s framework pertaining to energy efficiency and determine whether they correspond to the SADC energy frameworks. In this study, it is indicated that energy efficiency does not have a universally acceptable definition. SADC’s frameworks pertaining to energy efficiency are quite vague compared to South Africa’s policy framework. South Africa’s policies, legal frameworks and voluntary instruments correspond with the SADC frameworks and even go beyond these frameworks. It is recommended that SADC’s frameworks should specify measures of attaining energy efficiency within its mandated tools, urge member states to develop legislation as well as voluntary measures as means of attaining energy efficiency. The South African Minister of Energy on the other hand, should fulfil the mandate of the Electricity Regulation Act and the National Energy Act by enacting regulations pertaining to energy efficiency. Incentives for the introduction of voluntary energy efficiency measures should also be developed. / LLM (Environmental law and governance), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

Au-delà des limites économiques (dues à la libéralisation des échanges commerciaux), scientifiques (dues aux risques incertains) et juridiques (dues aux instruments non-contraignants), l'encadrement juridique international des mouvements transfrontières des organismes génétiquement modifiés (OGM) est-il approprié pour la protection de la santé humaine, la santé animale et la protection de l'environnement, dans son contenu et sa mise en œuvre ? Le contenu du cadre juridique quant aux mouvements transfrontières des OGM est incomplet avec des instruments légaux directement applicables et des instruments indirectement applicables. Pour combler ces lacunes dans le sens d'une meilleure gouvernance des mouvements transfrontières des OGM, la réglementation de catégories additionnelles des mouvements transfrontières des OGM est primordiale ainsi que la mise en place d'un dispositif harmonisé d'identification, de traçabilité et d'étiquetage. Un système de biovigilance internationale est également recommandé, comprenant la vigilance par une évaluation harmonisée des risques, le suivi par un système de gestion harmonisée des risques et l'information par un système harmonisé de communication des risques. Le cadre juridique quant aux mouvements transfrontières des OGM est aussi limité dans ses effets, de par l'absence d'un régime international de responsabilité et de réparation quant aux dommages résultant des OGM car le récent Protocole additionnel de Nagoya-Kuala Lumpur sur la responsabilité et la réparation des dommages résultant des mouvements transfrontières, ne visent que les organismes vivants modifiés (OVM). Il y a également un manque de consensus dans les approches, l'application et le règlement des différends. Dans ce contexte, la mise en place d'un système de compensation collective ou encore d'un fonds d'indemnisation et de régime d'assurance, sont un accompagnement nécessaire à ce régime de responsabilité incomplet, afin de pouvoir indemniser les victimes potentielles et les dommages environnementaux résultant des mouvements transfrontières des OGM. / Beyond economic (due to trade liberalisation), scientific (due to uncertain risks involved) and legal boundaries (due to soft law instruments), is the international legal framework for transboundary movements pertaining to Genetically Modified Organisms (GMOs), adequate for the protection of human and animal health as well as environmental protection, content-wise and in its implementation? The content of this framework is incomplete with direct and indirect legal instruments. In order to fill in the gaps for a better governance of transboundary movements of Genetically Modified Organisms (GMOs), it is of utmost importance to regulate additional categories of transboundary movement of GMOs and to devise a harmonised system of identification, traceability and labelling. A three-pronged international system of “bioalertness” is highly recommended, with the need for a harmonised risk assessment system, an effective risk management system and a harmonised system of communication of information on biotechnological risks. The legal framework pertaining to transboundary movements of GMOs is limited in its effects, in as much as there is no liability regime for the reparation of damages resulting from transboundary movements of GMOs since the Nagoya-Kuala Lumpur Additionnal Protocol targets only damages resulting from LMOs and it still has to be ratified by States Parties and enter into force. Its implementation is limited to the extent that there is a lack of consensus on the approaches, implementation and dispute resolution procedures. In this context, the setting-up of a collective system of compensation or a compensation fund as well as an insurance regime are a must, to be able to indemnify potential victims and repair environmental damage resulting from transboundary movements of GMOs.

This thesis deals with the analysis of the concept of sustainable development. The main objective is to obtain a comprehensive picture of how the principle of sustainable development works and its content. The thesis is divided into three chapters; in the first is introduced the concept of sustainable development and its historical development. The thesis then deals with an institute of legal principle in the law in general, with the character of legal principles, their function and purpose. The third chapter analyses sustainable development as a legal principle in European Law and in the sphere of environmental legal framework of the Czech Republic and its environmental protection tools. Finally the thesis deals with the legal enforcement of sustainable development as a legal principle in the Czech legal system. From historical development it is evident that the importance of environmental protection is increasing. The principle of sustainable development stated in the legal Acts expressis verbis appropriately demonstrates this fact. However, in the case of legal enforcement it is necessary to focus on the individual institutes of the principle of sustainable development, due, in particular, to its great abstractness, the legal principle of sustainable development is not directly legally...

A la fois instrument de financement et de développement, la technique du financement de projet est de plus en plus utilisée dans les États membres de l'Organisation pour l'Harmonisation en Afrique du Droit des Affaires (OHADA). Cependant, en raison de la complexité de son cadre juridique, conséquence de l'hétérogénéité des sources et des règles qui lui sont applicables, sa mise en œuvre se révèle difficile. Pour y remédier, une intégration de ce cadre, à travers notamment l'uniformisation des sources et des règles, et l'amélioration des modalités de sa mise en œuvre s'impose. A cet effet, le Traité OHADA pourrait être utilement mobilisé. Les financements de projet entrent clairement dans le spectre de ses compétences et compléteraient les huit Actes uniformes déjà en vigueur dans cette région d'Afrique. / Considered both as a financing and development instrument, the technique of project finance is more and more used in the Organization for the Harmonization of Business Law in Africa (OHBLA) members states. However, because of the complexity of its legal framework, consequence of the heterogeneity of sources and rules that are apply to it, its implementation remains difficult. To solve this problem, an integration of the above mentioned framework, in particular, through the unification of sources and rules, as well as the improvement of the mechanisms of its implementation looks necessary. In that regard, the OHBLA Treaty could be usefully mobilized. Indeed, Project finance falls clearly in its sphere of competences and could therefore complete the eight Uniform Acts that are already enforce in that area of Africa.

Die Einführung der Städteordnung 1808 wird den preußischen Reformern unter Stein und Hardenberg als wichtiger Schritt zur städtischen Selbstverwaltung zugerechnet. Die Bedeutung der Städteordnung ist in der Wissenschaft und Praxis unbestritten. Sie gilt als die erste Konstituierung des modernen Gemeindeverfassungsrechts. Mit der Schaffung der Stadtverordnetenversammlung und der damit verbundenen Einführung des freien Mandats der Mitglieder trug sie die Merkmale des ersten modernen „Parlaments“ in Deutschland. Die Stein’sche Städteordnung gewährte der Stadtverordnetenversammlung ein hohes Maß an Autonomie, insbesondere Budget- und Steuerbewilligungsrecht, ohne an staatliche Gesetzesnormen gebunden zu sein. Auch in Potsdam wurde im Zuge der preußischen Reformen im März 1809 erstmals eine Stadtverordnetenversammlung gewählt. Das 200jährige Jubiläum war für Wissenschaftler und Experten aus Politik und Verwaltung Anlass, verfassungsrechtliche Grundlagen, Entscheidungskompetenzen, Aufgaben und Strategien der Stadtverordnetenversammlung im Wandel der Zeit zu diskutieren.