The present paper is a descriptive study of sex offender sentencing in three Oregon counties in 1992. It examines the relationship between sentencing practices and indigent offenders. It focuses specifically on the question of offender indigent status and court ordered sex offender treatment. The study also provides information about the number of sex offenders in each of the three counties, how the offenders' sentences were determined by the courts through the use of the sentencing guidelines matrix, what type of plea was used, and what if any influence indigence had in the sentencing outcomes for the felony sex off enders in this study. Viewed from a conflict theoretical perspective, it was expected that indigent sex offenders would experience differential treatment by the courts. Two-tailed chi-square tests were computed to determine if a difference exists between sentences given indigent and non-indigent offenders. The same tests were applied to determine if there exists a difference between indigent and non-indigent in regard to the addressing of treatment in the sentence order. The tests were considered significant at the . 05 level. A significant difference was found between probation sentences and prison sentences for indigent versus non indigent offenders. Frequency scores were examined for this study by the number of indigent sex offenders that were convicted in each sample county for 1992, guilt type, guilt type and sentence, sentencing guidelines matrix score, indigence and race, and treatment by county. There is minimal information on the topic of sex offenders and the possible relationship between indigence, sentence disposition and treatment. The information contained in this study will contribute to the body of knowledge in the area of sex offenders and the results of this study will provide information useful for further research.

Because rejoining the workforce may prevent against ex-offender recidivism, securing gainful employment is one of the best indicators of successful societal reintegration for released prisoners. However, the stigma attached to a criminal history, combined with ex-prisoners’ lack of human capital, may threaten their ability to obtain a job. The present study examines hiring managers’ attitudes towards previously imprisoned offenders applying for positions in their workplace. Using a combination of brief, fictional applicant biographies and surveys, this mixed-groups factorial study explores how hiring managers (N= 28) consider gender, type of offense, and race when an ex-offender is assessed during the application process. Results indicated that, regardless of their offense, gender, and race, ex-prisoners were generally perceived to be less employable and less likely to have work-related characteristics such as honesty and the ability to communicate effectively.

Recent political and legal action has raised awareness about underreporting of sexual assaults on college campuses. The present study sought to identify psychological and institutional barriers to reporting sexual assaults through a series of questionnaires administered to current college students (N= 364). To investigate the relationship between policy variations and students’ likelihood of reporting, a 2 (option to report informally versus only formally) x 2 (student involvement in investigation/judicial board: involved versus uninvolved) x 2 (option to terminate an investigation: entirely in student’s control versus up to discretion of administration) between groups factorial design was used. The findings suggest that respondents’ were significantly more likely to report a sexual assault when given the option to terminate the investigation at anytime, when school size, rape myth acceptance and socio-cultural environment were controlled for in the analysis. These findings suggest that the option for complainants to terminate an investigation, their socio-cultural environment and individual rape myth acceptance are important factors in shaping attitudes towards reporting sexual assaults.

In recent years, there has been a dramatic increase in instances of Republican-dominated state legislatures proposing changes to election law that some see as protecting electoral integrity and others understand as intended to suppress votes of traditionally Democratic constituencies. This thesis is a detailed collection of the rationales used to justify these changes, as examined through a case study of North Carolina’s enactment of the omnibus Voter Information Verification Act of 2013 (VIVA). By also including the arguments proffered during the legislative process by opponents of the law, and after evaluating the merits of the arguments on both sides, I find the rationales used to justify the law’s provisions to be unconvincing and misleading. This study confirms the speculation that new election law restrictions are first and foremost a Republican attempt to gain partisan advantage. Given this conclusion, I offer suggestions as to what factors might eventually shift the current era of election law legislation from one of restrictions, to one focused on creating efficient, accessible, modernized electoral systems that inspire citizen confidence regardless of partisanship.

In the U.S. legal context, psychoanalysis is viewed by most scholars (and most judges) as outdated, even unscientific, and there is little room for psychoanalytic expertise in U.S. courts of law. However, there are some scholars who continue to do theoretical work in the conventional Freudian tradition, as well as numerous critical legal theorists who have appropriated the psychoanalytic conceptions of Jacques Lacan in their critiques of the law. This is a brief survey of how these scholars conceive of the law in psychoanalytic terms. Is it the judge being analyzed? Is it the lawyers, or the law students? Is the law itself viewed as subject with an unconscious and with symptoms? Or is it an analysis of legal texts as having an unconscious dimension that is hidden like an ideology? I identify examples of all four frameworks, and conclude that these scholars, notwithstanding their theoretical orientation, have practical goals for law in mind. / En el contexto jurídico de los Estados Unidos, el psicoanálisis es visto por la mayoría de académicos (y jueces) como anticuado, incluso anticientífico, y hay poca cabida para el conocimiento psicoanalítico en los tribunales de justicia estadounidenses. Sin embargo, hay algunos académicos que continúan realizando labor teórica en la tradición convencional freudiana, así como numerosos teóricos críticos del derecho que han adoptado la visión psicoanalítica de Jacques Lacan en sus críticas al derecho. Este es un breve estudio de cómo dichos académicos conciben el derecho en términos psicoanalíticos. ¿Se está analizando al juez? ¿O se está analizando a los abogados, o a los estudiantes de derecho? ¿Se percibe el derecho en sí como un paciente con subconsciente y con síntomas? ¿O se está analizando los textos jurídicos como textos que poseen una dimensión inconsciente, como una ideología? En este ensayo identifico ejemplos de los cuatro contextos y concluyo que estos académicos, a pesar de su orientación teórica, tienen metas prácticas para el derecho en mente.

O presente trabalho desenvolve uma investigação e análise das influências presentes nas dissertações apresentadas pelos estudantes da Faculdade de Direito de São Paulo como requisito parcial de avaliação. No período conhecido como Crise do Império, intensificaram-se as contradições entre o discurso liberal e a prática, tendo em vista a forma de organização do Império. As Faculdades de Direito foram concebidas como centros de formação dos quadros da burocracia do Império em um contexto de formação do Estado logo após a Declaração de Independência. As dissertações do período analisado trazem questões que estão ligadas com o momento histórico, tal como o processo de abolição da escravatura ou as relações entre Igreja e Estado de modo a permitir lançar uma nova luz a partir do modo como estava estruturada a formação e reprodução de conhecimento e do discurso jurídico no ambiente das Faculdades de Direito. / This study develops a research and analysis of the influences present in the dissertations presented by the students of the Faculty of Law of São Paulo as a partial requirement assessment. During the period known as Empire Crisis ,the contradictions between the liberal discourse and practice were intensified, considering the form of organization of the Empire . The Law Schools were designed as training centers of the Empire Red bureaucracy in a context of state formation shortly after the Declaration of Independence. Dissertations of the analyzed period bring issues that are connected to the historical moment as the slavery abolition process or the relationship between Church and State and they cast new light on the way it was structured the training and reproduction of knowledge and legal discourse in the Faculties of Law.

Using the population of Kentucky state parole officers as the focus of this thesis, work styles were studied. The work styles of twenty-eight rural parole officers were compared with the work styles of twenty-two urban officers. The Fisher Exact Statistical Test was used to test differences between these groups. Rural officers were significantly more likely than urban officers to go out of their offices to meet with their parolees. Urban officers had had a significantly greater number of parolees waiting in their offices at one time, than the rural officers had. The length of the average meeting did not differ significantly when rural and urban officers were compared. Rural officers were significantly more likely than urban officers to involve community agencies and citizens in the supervision of their parolees. The two groups of parole officers did not differ significantly in the use of group sessions. There was no significant difference between rural and urban officers on the basis of their consultation with their supervisors. Rural parole officers were significantly more likely to feel that a major portion of the parolee’s success was dependent on them than the urban officers. In summary, a more informal work style was evidenced by the rural parole officers.

The subject of 'independence' of the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) has emerged as a key issue in post-apartheid South African public discourse. While the importance of 'independence' has rarely been questioned, the term's meaning has been subject to fragmented understandings and vague interpretations. This thesis explores the origins of divergent conceptions of 'independence', examining how these conceptions are constructed by staff within the SABC. The central task of this thesis is to critically examine the contested concept of 'independence' a task it accomplishes by engaging with issues of power, knowledge and identity. To this end, the thesis reveals that the neo-liberal policies imposed by the Washington Consensus play a significant role in shaping conceptions of 'independence' through their power to dictate policy in countries in the Global South, including South Africa. This power, exercised through dominant Washington Consensus institutions, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), inform knowledge and identities at a local level through the adoption of neo-liberal macro-economic strategies, such as Growth Employment and Redistribution (GEAR). As a result, there is no local without the global. The engagement with issues of power, identity and knowledge and their relationships to how 'independence' is understood ensures that meanings of 'independence' are contested and that 'independence' is not an immovable edifice. 'Independence' is only a product of an evolving matrix, in which the staff of the SABC, who are divided into four different tiers, construct their own interpretations of 'independence', shaped by their understandings of both organisational and external factors, such as politics and advertisers, in relation to their work. Using data from interview respondents and an analysis of key public policy documents, this thesis presents two key processes that influence understandings of 'independence' and, therefore, link the SABC to the larger external socio-political environment. These two key factors, the commercialisation of the SABC and the African National Congress (ANC) power struggles have helped to shape the four conceptions of 'independence' advanced in this thesis: namely, the legalistic, anti-establishment, political and professional conceptions of 'independence'. At the core of this thesis are two questions: How do staff within the SABC construct and understand the meaning of 'independence' of the SABC, and what has influenced these conceptions in post-apartheid South Africa? Consistent with these research questions, the thesis is located within the interpretive tradition, since it seeks to understand the world of the SABC through the lens of its staff. To complement the interpretivist approach, the thesis situates the SABC and its understandings of 'independence' within the wider South African context, in which the meaning of 'independence' should also be understood as being inextricably intertwined with and a product of the shifting developmental state of the macro-economic environment. The critical political economy of the media is, therefore, used as an explanatory framework for understanding how the macro-worlds of politics and economic strategies intersect within the micro-world of the SABC to shape conceptions of 'independence'. The thesis concludes by arguing that it is not a strong and domineering state that seeks to control public service broadcasting; instead, it is a weak state that does so because of a need to curtail public discourse, which might present a threat to its own existence if left uncontrolled. As a result, it is difficult to separate the SABC from the state and, for that reason, the role of the public service broadcaster (PSB) is tied to the national narrative which itself is tied to the larger global matrices of power.

The present study asked two important questions: Does prejudicial pretrial publicity produce bias which may impair juror objectivity and, if it does, can voir dire remedy its untoward effects? Subjects were 68 college undergraduates whose political attitudes had been assessed and who had or had not read case-specific pretrial publicity one week before viewing a murder trial. Trial proceedings took place at the University of Miami law school. Voir dire, trial viewing, and deliberations were conducted in UM's moot courtroom. As predicted, analyses revealed main effects for both voir dire and pretrial publicity such that pretrial publicity increased conviction rate and the extended voir dire decreased conviction rate, but the extended voir dire failed to reduce the specific prejudicial effect of pretrial publicity. These findings suggest that prejudgment of a general nature (e.g., confusion about legal concepts) may be neutralized by an extended voir dire but that prejudice specifically created by exposure to inflammatory news stories is not offset by an extended voir dire format. There is reason to believe, however, that with more time spent explaining case facts and with greater attention to individual jurors, voir dire could eliminate even the specific prejudice created by pretrial publicity.

The problem of cultural violence against girls in Nigeria has been discussed at length. A number of scholars have conducted empirical studies, others developed theories and tools to be used in measuring and monitoring improvement on eliminating specific cultural practices. This scholarship is vitally important. They launch feminist and other anthropological works into an arena of anti-violence work which without a doubt have a significant impact and far-reaching repercussions for girls who experience violence in Nigeria. Yet, despite the systemic change over the past years, the problem of violence against girls in Africa, more specifically Nigeria, is still persistent within cultural communities. Building on the important foundational works of these authors, my dissertation analyses this problem from a different perspective. This thesis identifies several governance gaps within the Nigerian legal framework that needs to be addressed before existing legal mechanisms can adequately address the problem of violence against girls. To ensure a proper examination of the different dimensions and changing patterns of cultural violence against girls, the dissertation focuses on the practice of child marriages within Muslim communities in Northern Nigeria. The complexity of the issues addressed in this dissertation required a variety of theoretical tools to unpack the different fields of inquiry. The dissertation uses a critical legal studies and feminist framework in studying the problem of cultural violence against girls in Nigeria. It also uses textuality, a method of inquiry within Dorothy Smith’s feminist socio-legal methodology, to investigate the text-based organization of social policy in Nigeria to ultimately reveal a legal and political system used as an instrument for consolidating power and legitimizing anti-women principles as traditional values. Using these tools, the thesis analyzed the complexity of the problem of cultural violence through a focus on co-existing institutional frameworks, that is, formal and informal legal structures and the roles they play in shaping the experiences of girls within cultural communities.