Instauré en 1991, le droit à la privatisation gratuite de son logement a favorisé l'accession des anciens locataires soviétiques au statut de propriétaire, transformant du même coup les immeubles collectifs en copropriétés. Sur la base d'une enquête ethnographique, cette thèse étudie la mise en œuvre du nouveau Code du logement (2005) à Moscou, qui réorganise la gestion publique de l'habitat collectif autour de l'assemblée générale des copropriétaires. Contribution à l'analyse du changement social postcommuniste, cette recherche examine comment la copropriété passe du statut de texte abstrait au statut de pratiques sociales situées. Combinant les apports de la sociologie de l'État, de la sociologie des mobilisations et de l'étude des rapports ordinaires au droit, ce travail se focalise sur trois groupes d'acteurs : les agents subalternes de l'administration de Moscou ayant recours à des pratiques illégales pour mettre en œuvre localement la nouvelle législation ; des acteurs politiques tournés vers la vulgarisation et le conseil juridique dans la perspective de défendre les droits des habitants et, enfin, certains habitants particulièrement engagés dans les affaires de leur immeuble. En s'appuyant sur une approche wébérienne des usages sociaux du droit, cette recherche montre que infractions légales, batailles d'interprétation de la législation, ainsi qu'appropriations profanes du droit sont autant de mécanismes à travers lesquels le régime copropriétaire acquiert une véritable existence sociale. L'analyse de ces rapports et concurrences donne à voir la fabrique de nouvelles pratiques habitantes et subjectivités postcommunistes, reconfigurant les rapports ordinaires à l'État et au marché. / Introduced in 1991, the right to free privatization of own’s own housing favored a double transformation: of tenants into owners, and of collective housing into condominium buildings. Based on an ethnographic investigation in Moscow, this dissertation examines the implementation of the new Housing Code (2005). This legal shift led to a renewed governance of collective housing, now centered around the general meeting of owners. A contribution to post-communist social change, this research is also an investigation into the sociology of law. Based on a Weberian approach to the social practices of the law, it examines how the legal regime of joint ownership went from being abstract text to the status of social practices located. Drawing upon the sociology of the State, the study of mobilizations and researches on legal consciousness, the dissertations focuses on three groups of actors central to the construction of the new legal system. The first one consist of the lower-level agents of the Moscow administration, who resort to illegal practices in an attempt to locally implement the new legislation. The second includes local politicians, geared towards the dissemination of legal knowledge and literacy in an attempt to defend the rights of the inhabitants. The third one encompasses inhabitants particularly involved in the organization of their buildings’ administration. The dissertation focuses on three mechanisms through which the new legal system came into being: legal offenses, controversies around the interpretation of the legislation, and layperson’s appropriation of the law. The analysis sheds lights onto the making of these new was of inhabiting the space, as well as on the crafting of postcommunist subjectivities that reconfigure the relationships between the State and the market.

Submitted by Ana Côrtes (ana.cortes@gvmail.br) on 2018-05-16T22:26:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 VC Em busca de diálogo e reconhecimento no STF - Ana de Mello Côrtes.pdf: 1099102 bytes, checksum: 3c71780f7aba8c919be63f10f5520fea (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2018-05-16T22:33:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 VC Em busca de diálogo e reconhecimento no STF - Ana de Mello Côrtes.pdf: 1099102 bytes, checksum: 3c71780f7aba8c919be63f10f5520fea (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzane Guimarães (suzane.guimaraes@fgv.br) on 2018-05-17T14:31:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 VC Em busca de diálogo e reconhecimento no STF - Ana de Mello Côrtes.pdf: 1099102 bytes, checksum: 3c71780f7aba8c919be63f10f5520fea (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-17T14:31:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 VC Em busca de diálogo e reconhecimento no STF - Ana de Mello Côrtes.pdf: 1099102 bytes, checksum: 3c71780f7aba8c919be63f10f5520fea (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-20 / Tendo em vista a relevância das questões levadas ao STF relacionadas à alteração do registro civil para pessoas trans (ADI 4.275 e RE 670.244) e ao uso do banheiro de acordo com a identidade de gênero dessas pessoas (845.779) e o papel de democratização usualmente atribuído ao instituto amicus curiae, esta dissertação se propõe a fazer um exame dos agentes que participaram do processo constitucional como amici curiae nesses casos e de sua atuação, a fim de verificar os avanços dessa possibilidade de atuação da perspectiva dos atuantes bem como as limitações e dificuldades enfrentadas. Em uma apresentação dos casos e do contexto, são recuperadas teorias sobre mobilização do direito que embasam o trabalho e é exposto o histórico do movimento trans no Brasil assim como sua relação com o direito até chegar nos casos abordados. Trata-se de casos nos quais todas as tentativas de ingresso como amicus curiae foram feitas por parte de organizações que se colocaram em defesa dos direitos de pessoas trans estudados em um momento em que ainda não haviam sido julgados, mas em que já haviam sido colocados em pauta (de forma que não seriam aceitos novos amici curiae). Com um olhar em geral afastado da corte e do resultado e focado nas organizações de movimentos sociais e sua atuação, como fruto da pesquisa considerando todas as manifestações escritas e orais das entidades nos casos em pauta assim como entrevistas realizadas com a maior parte das organizações atuantes, as unidades de análise apresentam em categorias uma descrição do trabalho das entidades acompanhada da análise dos principais desafios e problemas enfrentados, relacionados especialmente a legitimidade para atuação, requisitos de ingresso exigidos para amici curiae e falta de financiamento para litigância estratégica em defesa de pessoas trans. São destacadas e colocadas em pauta especialmente a seletividade do STF e, buscando superá-la, a interação e as escolhas das entidades atuantes nesses casos específicos, que objetivando conquistas além do resultado no caso concreto se articulam para vencer desafios e superar limitações de acesso e admissibilidade. Levando à conclusão de que embora a participação como amici curiae represente um papel importante na democratização da jurisdição constitucional, há algumas questões, como a exigência de representação por profissional habilitado pela OAB, cuja revisão poderia significar que o papel atribuído de democratização fosse cumprido de forma mais efetiva. / Considering the importance of issues taken to Supreme Federal Court concerning transgender civil registry change and use restrooms according to gender identity and also the democratization role usually assigned to the amicus curiae institute, this dissertation proposes to exam the agents that took part in the constitutional process and their performance aiming to verify the benefits of this possibility of participation in the perspective of the actors as well as limitations and troubles faced. The cases and the context are presented by introducing theories about legal mobilization that base the work and exposing the history of the transgender movement in Brazil and its relation to law getting to the studied cases. In this cases all the entities that tried to engage in the processes were pro transgender rights and they were studied when there wasn’t a decision yet but new amici curiae would no longer be admitted. Looking beyond courts and decisions and focusing more broadly on social movement organizations and their performance, as the product of the research considering all the ways of participation in the processes in addition to interviews with the majority of the organizations, this dissertation presents a description of the organizations’ work and analyses the major challenges faced, especially related to legitimacy, requirements for amicus curiae participation in constitutional process and lack of financing for strategic litigation on transgender rights. Supreme Federal Court’s seletivity and organizations’ interaction and choices aiming to overcome the selectivity are highlighted. The goals of this kind of participation are also related to visibility and dialogue and go beyond the decision so the organizations articulate themselves to prevail over difficulties and limitations of access and admissibility. The dissertation conclusion points out that nevertheless the participation as amicus curiae plays an important role in the democratization of constitutional jurisdiction, there are some issues that could be reconsidered so the goal of democratization would be better accomplished.

本研究聚焦反對中科三期建廠的個案，採用法律與社會的研究取徑敘述社會運動者的法意識與法律動員歷程。2010年，當臺中后里農民拿到確認勝訴判決時，以為中科三期會就此停工。後續，行政院環保署、國科會提出了「停工不停產」等等解釋，說明中科三期毋須停工，引發各界討論。前述判決是針對中科三期的后里基地七星農場的開發行為而生，此開發行為的環境影響評估於2006年一階段有條件通過，經臺北高等行政法院、最高行政法院分別於2008年、2010年判決撤銷環評結論，這也是環境影響評估法實施以來撤銷環評結論的首例。 　　2006年，因為環評委員的揭露，反對興建中科三期的居民、律師與環保團體開始集結，在環評審查時便出席會議、表達意見；環評通過後，提起行政訴訟，勝訴後，仍然必須走上街頭開記者會、抗議政府作為。這條路，一走就是五年多。環評法於1994年立法完成，開啟了社會運動體制內參與的途徑，在1990年代之後，環境運動開展了體制內、體制外並進的策略。 　　為何勝訴判決之後，人民還需走上街頭？本研究的問題意識是：法律／法意識（legal consciousness）在社會運動中扮演何種角色？回顧既有研究，法律人類學、法意識、法律動員（legal mobilization）開展出觀看社會中實際運作法律的視角。本研究則意在探討中科三期運動者的法意識，引入中科三期法律動員的過程，結合理論敘述中科三期的故事，也發展法意識與法律動員理論的對話可能。 　　敘事的基礎，是本研究以中科三期為個案收集的資料，研究一開始收集運動者的投書、新聞及法律案件以及理論閱讀；之後開展參與觀察與深度訪談。經過文獻與經驗的思考，本研究觀察到中科三期體制內、體制外路線並進的特點，並著重運動者在其中的法意識「轉換」，同時，法律策略的內涵與運作也是探討中科三期法律動員的重心。回顧運動者法意識的變遷。思考集體行動的邏輯與經驗後，我認為命名（naming）與行動是個人連結集體的樞紐。 　　我認為法意識與法律動員是一體兩面而不可分視的，我提出「理解社會運動中的法意識」分析框架，並且依著這個框架分析中科三期的歷程：「命名與行動」是運動者認知社會結構以及動員的階段；「策略行動」則描述法律策略的形成、擬定過程，運動者在此時會接觸成文法律構成的體制，進而在體制的情境中形成法律策略；而第三階段「變遷與轉化」呈現了動員、接觸體制後運動者法意識的變遷，進而反饋到法律動員的意義與策略決定。 　　本研究探究律師、農民與環保團體等12位運動者的法意識，一開始，這三群人動員的理由各不相同，接觸體制之後，會因為法律知識以及既有經驗形成分工、溝通與動員的模式，而運動者也會產生為體制背書的焦慮。最後，運動者的法意識會有不同程度的變遷，律師認為自己不只是律師，傾向思考體制的變革；農民則在行動中認識、主張自己的權利；環保團體則發現體制的侷限，重新回到社會之中尋找社會結構的變革可能。 　　法律在社會運動中是對立雙方的衝突界線，而浮沉在成文法律與法律動員背後的是運動者要對抗的權力關係。本研究將中科三期運動者的行動歸納為三波法律動員，指出法律動員的基礎與具體內涵。一開始，中科三期的運動者普遍具有不信任政府的想法，在運用法律後，法律動員慢慢成形，最後因為體制內的經驗，強化不信任政府的想法，並形塑法律工具觀。法律工具觀意指以法律為武器、工具的法意識，這是源自於運動者心中更高的運動目標。而正因為法律工具觀的存在，我們可以決定法律的內涵，發掘法律對人們的意義，找出法律的形式與實質之間富含的生命力，這些必須要探索人們的法意識才能得知。 　　基此，我談及運動者法意識與法律動員的三層觀察，我以行動與結構的分析概念入手，觀察行動者所處的情境。在動員與運用法律的過程中，我們可以觀察運動者的法意識，這個法意識又呈現了社會結構；因為有著更高的運動目標，運動者的行動與話語會轉化法律、權利的內涵，行動的同時，也可以觀察法律動員對運動的限制與推進，不過，法律不完全限制行動者，行動者也不完全轉化法律；因為最後運動目標會限制運動者對法律的運用。 　　法律是社會運動中衝突雙方的底線，而中科三期事件中呈現了人們以工具看待法律，同時又引入法律希望解決糾紛、表達訴求。環評法一開始是國家應對社會力量興起的產物，後來，中科三期事件發展中，社會力量使用法律對抗國家，激起了法律與社會落差的動員力量；但是僅用成文法律作為命名的資源，是不足以持續社會的力量，因此社會運動必須從對抗的對象回到自身，重新尋找糾紛的來處以及命名的方向。