Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2016-08-23T14:58:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 William Weber Dias_.pdf: 1578869 bytes, checksum: 3e91f879918babd4691cb86767895783 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-23T14:58:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 William Weber Dias_.pdf: 1578869 bytes, checksum: 3e91f879918babd4691cb86767895783 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-01 / Nenhuma / Este trabalho buscou compreender o processo de legitimação da maconha no Uruguai. Pela primeira vez um país legaliza todos os setores do mercado de cannabis. Baseado em estudos semelhantes como a legitimação dos cassinos de apostas americanos e a mudança no mercado fonográfico com o download de musicas, o estudo segue a linha dos principais estudos de legitimação e se baseia nos pilares da teoria institucional para analisar o processo de legitimação do mercado. Com uma abordagem exploratória, a pesquisa iniciou em um processo de desk research e análise dos discursos midiáticos e em sua segunda etapa em campo buscou inspiração na pesquisa etnográfica onde foram realizadas entrevistas informais, diários de campo, observações e entrevistas qualitativas semi-estruturadas. O processo de análise e coleta de dados levou em consideração todos os atores oficiais envolvidos no novo mercado. Os resultados demonstraram um mercado com mudanças após a aprovação da lei de legalização. Com pouco mais de 2 anos de mercado legalizado, existe uma certa maturidade no mercado e competidores se diferenciando por qualidade e distribuição. No âmbito dos consumidores, esses possuem ritos de consumo e práticas estabelecidas mesmo antes da legalização, o que indica uma legitimação em processo anterior a mudança outorgada pelo presidente uruguaio Pepe Mujica. O estudo ainda abre possibilidade para outras formas de legitimação e discute com trabalhos de mesma lente teórica as diferenças e semelhanças na legitimação. Existem oportunidades de complementação já que não foram abordados temas como o narcotráfico e os malefícios que esse novo mercado pode trazer a sociedade. Os resultados apresentados são interessantes para os cidadãos uruguaios como também para demais países que buscam uma legalização em diversos mercados. Aos empreendedores e sonhadores que por vezes vislumbram a criação de um novo mercado ou lançamento de um produto. / This study intends to understand the process of legitimation of marijuana in Uruguay. For the first time a country legalizes all cannabis market sectors. Based on similar studies as the legitimation of American casinos and the change in the music industry with downloads, the study follows the line of the main studies of legitimation and is based on institutional theory to analyze the market legitimation process . With an exploratory approach, this research began in a process of desk research and analysis of media discourse and its second stage sought inspiration in ethnographic research which were conducted informal interviews, daily field, observations and semi-structured interviews. The process of analysis and data collection took into account all the official players involved in the new market. The results showed a market with changes after the approval of the legalization law. With just over two years of legalized market, there is a certain maturity in the market and competitors by differentiating quality and distribution. About consumers, these have consumption rites and practices established even before legalization, which indicates a legitimisation in previous process change granted by Uruguay's President Pepe Mujica. The study also opens the possibility for other forms of legitimation and discusses with work as a theoretical lens differences and similarities in legitimation. There are complementary opportunities as they were not addressed issues such as drug trafficking and the dangers that this new market can bring to society. The results are interesting for Uruguayan citizens but also for other countries seeking legalization in several markets. Entrepreneurs and dreamers who sometimes dream with the creation of a new market or launching a product.

Submitted by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-08-22T12:45:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissRAA.pdf: 2243702 bytes, checksum: 470cad0026ded91bc0e57998aa2b45b5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-08-22T12:45:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissRAA.pdf: 2243702 bytes, checksum: 470cad0026ded91bc0e57998aa2b45b5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-08-22T12:45:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissRAA.pdf: 2243702 bytes, checksum: 470cad0026ded91bc0e57998aa2b45b5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-22T12:45:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissRAA.pdf: 2243702 bytes, checksum: 470cad0026ded91bc0e57998aa2b45b5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-21 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Community forest management (CFM), the planned and rational use of forest resources by traditional communities and family farmers, is regarded as one of the strategies to tackle deforestation in the Amazon region. Even with challenges, community associations in the region seek to approve "Sustainable Forest Management Plans" (SFMP), a document required in the first stage of CFM. Assuming that the process of obtaining the SFMP occurs in a "strategic action field" (SAF) (FLIGSTEIN; McADAM, 2011), this work performed two study cases (YIN, 2001) from processes conducted by community associations in the municipality of Lábrea in the State of Amazonas. A strategic action field (SAF) is a “socially constructed arena in which actors with varying resources endowments vie for advantages to achieve their objectives” (FLIGSTEIN, McADAM, 2011). Through the "theoretical lens" of the SAF approach, we sought to understand the elements that influenced the contrasting results obtained in the action: a successful one, with the approval of a SFMP; and an unsuccessful one. Our main objective was to analyze and compare these two processes and, specifically, we proposed to: (a) analyze the influence of other fields and the State; (b) identify incumbent and challengers actors; (c) identify resources and social skill. The case studies had an exploratory and longitudinal orientation. Data were collected through participatory observation; document analysis, and semi-structured interviews, the latter being the main data source. Twenty six people among governmental, nongovernmental and actors from the associations aforementioned were interviewed between 2015 and 2017. The theoretical approach of SAF was used as a guideline for data analysis. We argue that the field under analysis is the subfield of timber production in Lábrea, part of an economic field in transformation, and influenced by an emerging environmental field. Thus, we understand that the processes were influenced by three main elements: the presence of internal governance structures; socially skilled actors; and networks. We understand that the situation of the field and the presence of governance structures enabled the action of socially skilled actors in the successful case; and the absence of governance structures in the unsuccessful one left the process vulnerable to the performance of socially skilled actors in the opposite direction of timber production legalization. We suggest the analysis of the genesis of CFM and a network study as a complementary analysis. / O manejo florestal comunitário e familiar (MFCF), isto é, a exploração planejada e racional dos recursos florestais por comunidades tradicionais e agricultores familiares, é tido como uma das estratégias contra o desmatamento na Amazônia. Mesmo apresentando uma série de desafios, diversas associações comunitárias da região vêm buscando a aprovação de “Planos de Manejo Florestal Sustentável” (PMFS), documento exigido na primeira etapa do MFCF. Assumindo a ocorrência dos processos de obtenção de um PMFS em um campo de ação estratégica (CAE), no presente trabalho desenvolvemos dois estudos de caso (YIN, 2001), a partir dos processos conduzidos por associações comunitárias de Lábrea (AM). Um CAE é “uma arena socialmente construída onde os atores, dotados de diferentes recursos, disputam por vantagens para alcançar os seus objetivos” (FLIGSTEIN; McADAM, 2011). Através das “lentes teóricas” dessa abordagem, buscamos compreender os elementos que influenciaram os resultados contrastantes obtidos na ação: uma exitosa, com um PMFS aprovado; e outra não exitosa. Assim, nosso objetivo foi analisar e comparar os processos e, especificamente, nos propusemos a: (a) analisar a influência de outros campos e do Estado; (b) identificar os atores incumbentes e desafiantes; (c) identificar os recursos e a habilidade social. Os estudos de caso tiveram caráter exploratório e orientação longitudinal. Coletamos os dados através de observação participante; análise documental, e entrevistas semiestruturadas, sendo esta última a principal fonte de dados. Entrevistamos 26 pessoas, dentre atores governamentais, não governamentais e das associações em questão, entre 2015 e 2017. Utilizamos a abordagem teórica de CAEs como orientadora da análise dos dados, relacionando-os aos seus principais conceitos. Argumentamos que o campo em análise trata-se do sub-campo da produção madeireira em Lábrea, parte de um campo econômico em transformação, e influenciado por um campo ambiental emergente. Argumentamos que os processos foram influenciados por três elementos principais: a presença de estruturas de governança; de atores socialmente hábeis; e as redes. Entendemos que a situação do campo e a presença de estruturas de governança, possibilitou a ação de atores socialmente hábeis no caso exitoso; e a inexistência de estruturas de governança, no caso não exitoso, deixou a iniciativa vulnerável à atuação de atores socialmente hábeis de forma oposta à legalização da produção madeireira. Sugerimos a análise da gênese do MFCF e um estudo de redes como análises complementares.

Submitted by Rangel Sousa Jamile Kelly (jamile.kelly@ufba.br) on 2017-07-14T20:19:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Final 25 out. 2016.pdf: 1306304 bytes, checksum: 741ec73f49322bb60d63147bdf7e2065 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-07-28T12:58:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Final 25 out. 2016.pdf: 1306304 bytes, checksum: 741ec73f49322bb60d63147bdf7e2065 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-28T12:58:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Final 25 out. 2016.pdf: 1306304 bytes, checksum: 741ec73f49322bb60d63147bdf7e2065 (MD5) / CAPES, CNPq / Este trabalho busca reconstituir fatos da história recente dos movimentos feministas brasileiros dentro do leque mais ampliado dos movimentos sociais surgidos a partir das décadas de 1960/1970 e pela forma como conflitos instaurados e absorções de demandas se estabelecem na relação com o Estado a partir da instituição de mecanismos de participação e da instalação de instâncias governamentais voltadas para a implementação de políticas públicas para as mulheres. Realizado através de pesquisa documental e de entrevistas, está circunscrito ao debate em torno da revisão da legislação que criminaliza a prática do aborto no Brasil. A delimitação temporal desta pesquisa corresponde aos períodos anteriores e imediatamente posteriores às I e II Conferências Nacionais de Políticas para as Mulheres (primeiro e segundo mandatos Lula). Trata, também, de outra iniciativa que aconteceu de forma paralela: a instauração de um debate no Supremo Tribunal Federal sobre a aprovação de um permissivo para os casos de anencefalia, aprofundando sobre as diversas táticas desenvolvidas para a ampliação da legislação existente desde 1940. / This work seeks to reconstitute facts of the recent history of Brazilian feminist movements, within the broader group of social movements that have emerged starting in the nineteen sixties and seventies and by the way in which established conflicts and absorption of demands are established in the relationship with the States, starting from the institution of participation mechanisms and the implementation of government bodies that aimed to put in motion public policies for women. Made through documental research and interview, this work circumscribes the debate around reviewing the legislation that criminalizes abortion in Brazil. The time delimitation of this research corresponds to the periods before and immediately after the First and Second National Conferences of Policies for Women (during Lula´s first and second terms). This work is also about another initiative that has happened at the same time: the establishment of a debate in the Supreme Federal Court regarding the approval of a permissive for cases of anencephaly, furthering the work on several tactics developed to broaden the legislation that exists since 1940.

Submitted by Guilherme Ramos (guilhermedearamos@yahoo.com.br) on 2018-10-10T16:49:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Master Thesis_Guilherme Ramos_submitted.pdf: 999203 bytes, checksum: cadbd02a289a643e51d22ad07260c5e4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2018-10-11T14:06:40Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Master Thesis_Guilherme Ramos_submitted.pdf: 999203 bytes, checksum: cadbd02a289a643e51d22ad07260c5e4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-29T13:04:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Master Thesis_Guilherme Ramos_submitted.pdf: 999203 bytes, checksum: cadbd02a289a643e51d22ad07260c5e4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-13 / Prior literature has demonstrated that liberals and conservatives often diverge on policy issues partly because they have different psychological characteristics and partly because they are influenced by in- and out-groups (e.g., parties). In the present work, we investigate a relatively under-investigated topic, namely marijuana legalization, and test whether groupness affect opinion toward this policy over and above potential differences in psychological traits and states (e.g., personality, cognitive processing). Additionally, building on literature on morality and divergence from reference groups, we propose that part of the right-wing’s opposition to this policy comes from moral repugnance against out-groups. Results are consistent with our predictions. Study 1 validated an important assumption: individuals strongly associate marijuana legalization as a leftist policy. Importantly, study 2 showed that when marijuana legalization was endorsed by a center-right politician, individuals along the political spectrum expressed similar support for the policy; nevertheless, political ideology became a significant predictor of policy support when a leftist politician was behind the policy. This interaction was mostly due to rightwing individuals becoming less favorable toward the policy when a left-wing politician was behind it. Left-wing individuals, in turn, did not significantly shift their opinion. Finally, we discuss limitations, alternative explanations, and avenues for future research, while also proposing a third study which could more precisely test our theory.

Submitted by Rodrigo Dias (dsdias.rodrigo@gmail.com) on 2018-05-14T20:00:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertation - Rodrigo Dias.pdf: 1200543 bytes, checksum: 55982ff5b80c53cb3762bce772efae63 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2018-05-18T21:03:48Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertation - Rodrigo Dias.pdf: 1200543 bytes, checksum: 55982ff5b80c53cb3762bce772efae63 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-15T12:25:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertation - Rodrigo Dias.pdf: 1200543 bytes, checksum: 55982ff5b80c53cb3762bce772efae63 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-18 / In this paper, we examine why attitudes toward marijuana legalization are split along ideological lines. In a survey, we found that conservatives were more likely to oppose this policy partly because of their greater reliance on the authority and purity foundations of morality. Curiously, concerns about harm were found to play no role in determining attitudes toward marijuana legalization, even though those who were against this policy frequently explained their views with harm-related accounts. In an experiment, we found that opponents of legalization were more likely to adopt a more favorable view towards it when exposed to arguments and sources that were consistent with the authority and purity dimensions of morality. Precisely, subjects who initially opposed legalization were more likely to change their attitudes when exposed to arguments that were based on the purity (vs. harm) foundation of morality, and when they were led to believe that these arguments were given by religious (vs. business) leaders.