Text in Afrikaans / The broad focus of the thesis is an analysis of the meaning and the modern development of the doctrine of the separation of power (trias politica) and the application thereof in the constitutional development in South Africa. The first chapter outlines the historical restrictions that were placed on governmental authority by the trias politica doctrine. In the following chapter the application of the trias politica doctrine in different governmental systems (parliamentary, presidential and semipresidential) are analysed. In the third chapter an analysis is made of the constitutions of the former Boer republics, chronologically followed by an analysis of the 1909, 1961 and 1983 Constitutions, to establish to which extent the trias politica doctrine was incorporated in the respective constitutions. In the subsequent chapters, the focus shifts to the constitutions in the post democratic era, namely the 1993 interim Constitution and the 1996 (final) Constitution. It is evident that the new supreme Constitution and an independent judiciary yielded to a stronger adherence to the separation of power principle. It is also evident that the retainment of the parliamentary system, with a fused legislature and executive authority, inhibited a stronger separation of power. The inclusion of sosioeconomic rights in the Constitution resulted in a more direct involvement in governmental policy. However, the Constitutional Court managed to maintain a fine balance between reviewing policy and the formulation of policy. In the closing chapter a short summary is provided, followed by comments on possible alternatives to the existing system to ensure a stronger separation of powers. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LL. D. (Constitutional, International and Indigenous Law)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:22:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 A sugestao legislativa perante a Comissao de Legislacao Participativa da Camara Federal.pdf: 1537169 bytes, checksum: cbf4c28d6dc5dc3bd7464962ee7ff83c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-11-17 / nenhum / The "legislative suggestion" addressed to the Commission of Participative Legislation of the House of Commons constitutes a valuable and facilitating instrument for the people to influence the Legislative Power directly in innovating the legal system and it means a new form for popular initiative foreseen in the Constitution and, further, it may contribute to the accomplishment of participative democracy / A sugestão legislativa perante a Comissão de Legislação Participativa constitui instrumento válido e facilitador para que o povo diretamente venha a influir no Poder Legislativo inovando o ordenamento jurídico, servindo como nova forma para a iniciativa popular prevista constitucionalmente e contribui para a realização da democracia participativa.

Aussi nommés hommes de loi, les juristes se sont naturellement passionnés pour cette source du droit au xviiie siècle, prenant part aux débats juridiques et politiques de ce siècle nomophile. S'ils reprennent la traditionnelle distinction entre loi naturelle et loi positive, c'est principalement cette dernière qu'ils développent, étant ici les témoins et les acteurs de la laïcisation et de la rationalisation de l'ordre juridique. Atteinte dans son fondement divin, la loi naturelle perd de son aura paradigmatique ; la raison humaine suffit à en percevoir le contenu et à établir la loi positive. Celle-ci s'affirme face aux autres sources du droit comme expression privilégiée de la volonté royale et comme moyen de l'unification du droit face à un pluralisme juridique de plus en plus contesté mais néanmoins persistant. Cependant, face à la peur du despotisme qui saisit le siècle, et tout particulièrement sa seconde moitié, la volonté royale, dénoncée dans ses possibilités d'arbitraire, est redoutée. Son expression, la loi, est alors mise sous tutelle, les juristes militant pour l'instauration d'un contrôle juridictionnel de la conformité de celle-ci à des normes de référence conçues extensivement. L'avènement de la nation, nouvel acteur politique vivifié par les appels aux États généraux, vient renouveler le débat. Revendiquant la souveraineté, elle se voit confier la puissance législative et la loi, désormais conçue comme l'expression de la volonté générale faisant le lien entre l'individu et la nation, trace la voie de l'émancipation du peuple. La Révolution française concrétise ces acquis théoriques, ouvrant à la loi les portes d'un long règne / Also called men of law, jurists had a natural passion for this source of law in the eighteenth century, taking part in the legal and political debate of this century. If they used the traditional distinction between natural law and positive law, they mainly developed the latter, being the witnesses and the actors of the secularization and the rationalization of the legal order. Criticized for its divine foundation, the natural law lost its paradigmatic aura ; human reason was enough to understand it and to establish the positive law. The latter asserted itself on the face of the other sources of law as the expression of the royal will and as the means of the legal system unification against a controversial legal pluralism which was nevertheless persistent. However, as despotism struck this century, and especially the second half, the royal will was feared because of possible arbitrariness. The law, as its expression, should be placed under supervision. Jurists thus campaigned for the instauration of a judicial review of law conformity with extensively considered reference standards. The emergence of the nation, new political actor invigorated by the States General being called, renewed the debate. The nation claimed sovereignty and received legislative power, and the law, from now on conceived as the expression of the general will that connected individuals and the nation, led the way to French people’s emancipation. The French Revolution carried out this theoretical progress and opened the door to a long reign for the law

Text in Afrikaans / The broad focus of the thesis is an analysis of the meaning and the modern development of the doctrine of the separation of power (trias politica) and the application thereof in the constitutional development in South Africa. The first chapter outlines the historical restrictions that were placed on governmental authority by the trias politica doctrine. In the following chapter the application of the trias politica doctrine in different governmental systems (parliamentary, presidential and semipresidential) are analysed. In the third chapter an analysis is made of the constitutions of the former Boer republics, chronologically followed by an analysis of the 1909, 1961 and 1983 Constitutions, to establish to which extent the trias politica doctrine was incorporated in the respective constitutions. In the subsequent chapters, the focus shifts to the constitutions in the post democratic era, namely the 1993 interim Constitution and the 1996 (final) Constitution. It is evident that the new supreme Constitution and an independent judiciary yielded to a stronger adherence to the separation of power principle. It is also evident that the retainment of the parliamentary system, with a fused legislature and executive authority, inhibited a stronger separation of power. The inclusion of sosioeconomic rights in the Constitution resulted in a more direct involvement in governmental policy. However, the Constitutional Court managed to maintain a fine balance between reviewing policy and the formulation of policy. In the closing chapter a short summary is provided, followed by comments on possible alternatives to the existing system to ensure a stronger separation of powers. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LL. D. (Constitutional, International and Indigenous Law)

The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using “the power of the purse” to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this research includes the analysis and comparison of certain variables, including public opinion, budgetary constraints, and the relative majority of the party that holds power in one or both chambers, and the ways these variables may impact the behavior of the legislative branch in this regard. It also includes the analysis of appropriations requests made by the legislative branch for funding military engagement in rejection of requests from the executive branch for all military engagements that occurred during periods of divided government from 1946 through 2009

1999年地方制度法施行以來，地方極力爭取自主權，中央與地方自治團體間衍生多次衝突，爭議之層面涵括地方財政權、立法權及人事權等地方自治核心領域。針對中央地方衝突，司法院大法官作出多號解釋，惟並未定紛止爭，突顯出建立中央地方衝突解決機制之必要性。 本論文選擇五個衝突個案，分別是財政衝突的統籌分配稅款及地方積欠健保政府補助款；立法衝突之行動電話基地台自治條例牴觸案及台北市里長延選案；人事權衝突之縣市警察局長任免案。先以府際關係理論進行鉅觀分析，分析其府際關係網絡圖，突顯其網絡利害關係人，如何進行聯合或對抗。次以賽局理分論析中央地方之賽局策略選擇過程，進而賽局及報酬模擬分析。 期望透過各類型中央地方府際衝突個案研究，提出解決下列問題。一、釐清中央地方府際衝突之影響因素？二、究竟何為中央地方權限爭議解決機制？三、台灣府際衝突之關係網絡圖像為何？四、府際衝突賽局中之博奕過程模式為何？ 本研究提出四項結論。一、法律與制度變遷與府際衝突交互運作影響；二、政黨對立為府際係衝突最關鍵影響因素；三、建立多元之協調解決機制，為解決府際衝突之有效措施。四、提出全觀型府際賽局理論，以詮釋我國府際關係衝突現象。 本研究並提出五項建議，有助於未來我國府際關係正向發展，一、釐清府際衝突深層網絡關係結構，二、擴大跨域合作府際關係，三、追求中央與地方府際之最適效益，四、邁向多層次之地方治理，五、體認「地方自治為憲法制度性保障」之真諦。 / Since the Local Government Act enacted in 1999, local governments strive for local autonomy; therefore some supervisory conflicts aroused between central and local government. Those conflicts related to law autonomous enactment, finance autonomous rights and personnel rights. Despite Judicial Interpretation No.550 and 553 had review above conflicts, disputes still remained unsolved, which proclaimed the importance of constructing the reconciliatory mechanism of conflicts. This study tries to analyze five conflict cases including tax redistribution fund, premium of National Health Insurance, cellular phone base management local act, the prolonged election of Taipei li-chairman and incumbency of police bureau chief. Four conclusions are drawn as below, first, legal and system change will affect the IGR conflicts mutually. Second, parties antagonism is a crucial factor for IGR conflicts. Third, multi reconciliatory mechanism of conflicts would be efficient, a holistic game theory could interpret those conflicts. The last chapter proposes recommendations such as to clarify the IGR networks structure, broaden the cross-boundary cooperation, pursuit the optimal payoffs, work towards a multi-level governance and comprehend the core meaning of “local autonomy as a system assurance”.