Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2018-04-09T17:19:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 JUVENILTO SOARES NASCIMENTO.pdf: 1707558 bytes, checksum: e9bcb3cc5bddddbbbfc8978d29f1b10c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-09T17:19:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JUVENILTO SOARES NASCIMENTO.pdf: 1707558 bytes, checksum: e9bcb3cc5bddddbbbfc8978d29f1b10c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-14 / This research investigates the intentions of the National High School Examination (ENEM) in contrast to both the forms of apprehension of cultural capital and the provisions of the game of classifications and declassifications by the school social agents, expressed by the discourses and strategies employed. For this, Bourdieu's method of praxiological knowledge was chosen, whose theory served as theoretical reference and support of data analysis. It was opportune, it was decided that the object of study should be observed in public schools of the same Federal Unit, which is why three middle schools of the Distrito Federal were selected, belonging to Administrative Regions whose socioeconomic conditions are different: High School (CEM) Piloto Plano, CEM Ceilândia and CEM Recanto das Emas. Aiming at a more effective field research, it was decided to diversify the instruments and strategies of data collection: direct observation, with the help of the field diary; application of questionnaires with open and closed questions; and interviews with semi-structured script. The investigation had a total of 281 respondents from the questionnaires - directors, teachers and students - among which 28 of these agents were interviewed. From the theoretical reference, the discussion dealt with the fundamental logic of the exams, which is to select and exclude; and unveiled some of the mechanisms that lead students from privileged classes to achieve a better performance in the Exam. This is because, besides incorporating in an "osmotic" way a favorable habitus in the school field, they can employ better strategies against the privileged capitals that they possess. The data collected were analyzed from the following categories: a) Acquisition of cultural capital; (b) reproduction and processing strategies; c) Legitimation and its forms; and d) Resistance. It was identified that three particular forms of legitimation of the Examination stand out: by the discourse, by the policies with social acceptance that were attached to it and by the "support" to the students. As for the policies linked to the ENEM, these have allowed some social advances, while at the same time reinforcing the legitimacy of the inequalities that still continue to operate by it. In turn, the results point out that contradictorily the school unit most affected by the rules of the Exam is the one that most legitimizes it. One of the factors that confirms this is the race issue. This unit, that of CEM Recanto das Emas, has 78% of blacks among its students, in contrast to 61% of CEM Plano Piloto and 76% of CEM Ceilândia. However, only 47% of its students approve racial quotas, compared to 65% of CEM Plano Piloto students' approval and 71% of CEM Ceilândia. Another factor that confirms more legitimacy for the most penalized school is the teacher evaluation of the ENEM selection form: 75% of the teachers participating in CEM Recanto das Emas consider it fair, while 50% of the CEM Plano Piloto teachers and 62,5% of CEM Ceilândia teachers consider this. On the other hand, it should be pointed out that, although the school system is one of the State's reproductive instruments, the existence of discourses and resistance practices in the schools investigated suggests that it is possible to fight for a school system whose political-pedagogical orientation is beyond social reproduction. / Esta pesquisa investiga as intencionalidades do Exame Nacional do Ensino Médio (ENEM) em contraste tanto com as formas de apreensão do capital cultural quanto com as disposições do jogo das classificações e desclassificações, pelos agentes sociais escolares, expressas pelos discursos e estratégias empregados. Para tal, elegeu-se o método do conhecimento praxiológico de Bourdieu, cuja teoria serviu como referencial teórico e suporte de análise dos dados. Por oportuno, optou-se que o objeto de estudo fosse observado em escolas públicas de uma mesma Unidade da Federação, razão pela qual foram selecionadas três escolas de ensino médio do Distrito Federal, pertencentes a Regiões Administrativas cujas condições socioeconômicas são distintas: o Centro de Ensino Médio (CEM) Plano Piloto, o CEM Ceilândia e o CEM Recanto das Emas. Visando a uma pesquisa de campo mais efetiva, decidiu-se pela diversificação dos instrumentos e estratégias de coleta de dados: observação direta, com o auxílio do diário de campo; aplicação de questionários, com questões abertas e fechadas; e realização de entrevistas, com roteiro semiestruturado. A investigação contou com o total de 281 respondentes dos questionários – diretores, professores e estudantes –, dentre os quais 28 desses agentes foram entrevistados. A partir do referencial teórico, a discussão tratou da lógica fundamental dos exames, que é selecionar e excluir; e desvelou alguns dos mecanismos que levam os estudantes oriundos de classes privilegiadas a alcançarem um melhor rendimento no Exame. Isso porque, além de incorporarem de maneira “osmótica” um habitus favorável no campo escolar, podem empregar melhores estratégias face aos capitais privilegiados que possuem. Efetuou-se a análise dos dados coletados a partir das seguintes categorias: a) Aquisição do capital cultural; b) Estratégias de reprodução e de transformação; c) Legitimação e suas formas; e d) Resistência. Identificou-se que se destacam três formas particulares de legitimação do Exame: pelo discurso, pelas políticas com aceitação social que se lhe atrelaram e pelo “suporte” aos estudantes. Quanto às políticas atreladas ao ENEM, essas permitiram alguns avanços sociais, ao mesmo tempo em que reforçaram a legitimação das desigualdades que ainda continuam operadas por ele. Por sua vez, os resultados apontam que contraditoriamente a unidade escolar mais prejudicada pelas regras do Exame é a que mais o legitima. Um dos fatores que confirma isso é a questão racial. Essa unidade, a do CEM Recanto das Emas, apresenta entre os seus estudantes o índice de 78% de negros, em contraste com 61% do CEM Plano Piloto e 76% do CEM Ceilândia. No entanto, apenas 47% de seus estudantes aprovam as cotas raciais, frente aos 65% de aprovação dos estudantes do CEM Plano Piloto e 71% do CEM Ceilândia. Outro fator que confirma maior legitimação pela escola mais penalizada é a avaliação docente da forma de seleção do ENEM: 75% dos professores participantes do CEM Recanto das Emas a consideram justa, ao passo em que 50% dos professores do CEM Plano Piloto e 62,5% dos professores do CEM Ceilândia assim a consideram. Por outro lado, destaca-se que, embora o sistema escolar seja um dos instrumentos de reprodução do Estado, a existência de discursos e práticas de resistência nas escolas investigadas aponta ser possível, sim, lutar por um sistema escolar cuja orientação político-pedagógica seja para além da reprodução social.

The continued rise of socio-economic inequality over the past decades with its connected political outcomes such as the Brexit vote in the UK, and the election of Donald Trump are currently a matter of intense debate both in academia and in journalism. One significant sign of the heightened interest was the surprise popularity of Thomas Piketty's Capital in the twenty-first Century. The book reached the top of the bestseller lists and was described as a "media Sensation", with Piketty himself as a "rock star Economist". This paper, drawing from a major international and cross-disciplinary study, investigates the print media treatment in four European countries of economic policy proposals presented in Capital. Applying social semiotic and critical discourse analysis, we specifically focus on articles which are in disagreement with these proposals and identify five categories of counterarguments used against Piketty: authorisation, moralisation, rationalisation, portrayal of victimhood and inevitability. Providing textual and linguistic examples we demonstrate how the use of linguistic resources normalises and conventionalises ideology-laden discourses of economic means (taxation) and effects, reinforcing particular views of social relations and class as common sense and therewith upholding and perpetuating power relations and inequalities.

This thesis aims at clarifying the very basic characteristics of Wu Ze Tian&rsquo / s reign and her utilization of religious and symbolic propaganda for legitimizing her authority. Wu Ze Tian is the only female emperor of China&rsquo / s long dynastic history who founded her own dynasty, Zhou dynasty after overthrowing the Tang dynasty in 690. The political ideal presented by Confucianism, which is the traditional state doctrine of the imperial China, refuses female participation to political arena and identifies the emperor as the Son of Heaven. In order to overcome the Confucian obstacle, Wu Ze Tian referred to the symbols and rituals of the antiquity, highly appraised by the Confucians, which enabled her participation to the political sphere. Moreover, for legitimizing herself as a female ruler, she utilized the Buddhist scholarship and concepts as tools of political propaganda. It was also a matter of fact that due to the northwestern nomadic influence on the society, female rulership was not conceived to be impossible in the Tang dynasty, as it was in the previous dynasties. Benefitting from this sociopolitical atmosphere, Wu Ze Tian occupied the throne first as the empress and later as the empress dowager for almost 35 years and at last ruled over the whole Chinese soil as the female emperor of the Zhou dynasty for 15 years. Wu Ze Tian proved herself as a capable ruler under whose dominion the whole country reached its broadest borders and the economy flourished considerably. Not only owing to the power of her political propaganda but also mostly because of her talent in rulership and her social and political reforms, Wu Ze Tian is one the most important Chinese rulers who left a remarkable influence on the governmental tradition of China.

Zugl.: Wuppertal, Univ., Diss., 2009 u.d.T.: Stelzer, Franziska: Zu den Effekten von Legitmierungsstrategien junger Unternehmen

Zugl.: Kiel, Universiẗat, Diss., 2007.

Uni Leipzig, Diss., 2007.

Überarb. Fassung der Diss. Frankfurt am Main.

This thesis aims at deepen our understanding of the Swedish arms exports, especially the relationship between the spoken words of politicians and actual policy outcome. The research question for the thesis is “To what extent do specific frames deployed by the media and politicians about the character of the importing state, the type of arms exported, the inter-state relationship and the economic interests lead to a legitimation crisis in an arms exporting nation which ends arms exports and military cooperation?” This thesis is especially looking at Swedish arms deals with Saudi Arabia, South Africa and Thailand. In a content analysis of the Swedish media and politicians, and by using theories of legitimation and framing, the thesis analyses how these frames can affect the legitimation of an arms deal, and explaining different policy outcomes. The analysis shows that the most common frame to use to frame a receiving country or an arms deal negatively is to frame the character of the importing state in negative terms and also connect the arms exports to the regime in the receiving country. On the other side, to defend an arms deal it is most common to frame it as an economic interest that are of national interest. Lastly, the thesis can show that the Swedish arms deal with Saudi Arabia created a legitimation crisis, which was not the case for the deals with Thailand and South Africa, and this can help us understand why the military cooperation agreement between Sweden and Saudi Arabia was ended.

This research explores how an open strategy approach can be used to manage organisational legitimacy in a pluralistic context, characterised by the competing demands of key stakeholders. Open strategy demonstrates an interest in strategising processes becoming more inclusive and transparent (Hautz et al., 2016). Open strategy work to date has focused on its uses and implications, and how strategic inclusion and transparency are being displayed in different organisational contexts. Much open strategy literature also associates the central purpose of open strategising activity with organisations seeking to manage legitimacy (e.g. Chesbrough and Appleyard, 2007; Whittington et al., 2011; Tavakoli et al., 2017), particularly through ensuring that their actions are desirable in the opinion of key stakeholders (Suchman, 1995). Whilst a small number of studies have explicitly focused on open strategy and legitimacy, these do not go beyond illuminating legitimacy as a potential effect (Gegenhuber and Dobusch, 2017) or outcome (Luedicke et al., 2017). Absent has been research attempting to specifically understand open strategy as a process of legitimation (Uberbacher, 2014), and there remains a need to unpack and elevate the significant potential of open strategy approaches for managing legitimacy further. To address this gap, this research presents an in-depth single case analysis of an organisation undertaking the development of a new four-year strategic plan using an open strategy approach. A number of data collection methods were used, including completion of 30 semi-structured interviews, participant observations, and collection of significant social media and documentation data, to explicate the concepts of open strategy and organisational legitimacy, addressing the question; How does an open strategy approach represent a process of legitimation for managing the competing demands of organisational stakeholders? . A pluralistic context, a UK-based professional body, is the basis for the empirical work. It is acknowledged that interrogating the intricacies of strategising in pluralistic contexts, and the inherent competing demands of stakeholders, might offer new perspectives, and a useful means of expanding the contextual base of practice-based strategy work (Jarzabkowski and Fenton, 2006). However, studies of open strategy in pluralistic contexts remain near non-existent in the literature (Lusiani and Langley, 2013). In the organisational legitimacy literature, there is much discourse on how legitimacy is managed and gained through specific legitimation processes and strategies, and increasingly such a focus has been adopted to recognise how organisations might manage legitimacy demands in contexts defined by plurality, amidst diffuse power and divergent objectives (Denis et al., 2007). In this study, a practice-based activity theory framework is used (Jarzabkowski 2005; Jarzabkowski and Wolf, 2015) to explore legitimacy in relation to organisational direction and priorities, and as a means of redefining the organisation s core goals in an enactment of strategic openness. The work here conceptualises how the case organisation has adopted a plethora of open strategising practices for legitimacy effects (Suddaby et al., 2013), providing a detailed account of how different dynamics of open strategising activity connect to specific forms of legitimation over time. The findings indicate that different open strategy dynamics represent the case organisation switching between distinct approaches to legitimation, as a means of managing the competing legitimacy demands of organisational stakeholders in a flow of activity. Through this narrative, a greater perception of legitimation as a core purpose of open strategy is provided. Overall, this research offers an important contribution by accentuating the principal relevance of organisational legitimacy in open strategising, particularly through elevating legitimacy beyond being understood as an effect or outcome in open strategy work. Further, this more explicitly brings open strategy into close alignment with the organisational legitimacy literature and its theoretical conceptions (Lawrence et al., 2009; Suddaby et al., 2013), which is imperative for understanding the potential importance of open strategy as a means of legitimation.

MONTEIRO JÚNIOR, Francisco Hélio. O Dragão de Itataia: mineração e modos de contestação e de legitimação dos discursos do desenvolvimento. 2017. 226f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza (CE), 2017. / Submitted by Gustavo Daher (gdaherufc@hotmail.com) on 2017-05-31T11:00:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_tese_fhmonteirojunior.pdf: 2593057 bytes, checksum: 8485421b131faa56e4293db72d37155b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-06-01T10:41:41Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_tese_fhmonteirojunior.pdf: 2593057 bytes, checksum: 8485421b131faa56e4293db72d37155b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T10:41:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_tese_fhmonteirojunior.pdf: 2593057 bytes, checksum: 8485421b131faa56e4293db72d37155b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017 / This thesis aims to understand the ways of contestation and legitimization of development gestated during the installation of the Itataia’s Mineral Industrial Complex by those who conform a playing field on the effects of the operation of the uranium and phosphate mine, in municipality of Santa Quitéria, located in the semi-arid region of Ceará. The ways of challenging the discourse of development are related to the positions, the interpretations of social movements gathered in the Antinuclear Articulation of Ceará (AACE) and how social actors are against the enterprise, highlighting its threat and risks to the environment, Health and sustainable socioeconomic activities in the locations where the Santa Quiteria Project will be installed. The three modes of legitimation of development are: the discourse of abundance of natural goods such as uranium and phosphate that would justify mining; The discourse of sustainability that defends the option of generating nuclear energy as cleaner and sustainable; And properly the discourse of the redemption of the semiarid, emphasizing the generation of jobs to come and the hypothetical economic advantages for the municipality. Development as redemption refers to the discourses and actions aimed at legitimizing the Santa Quitéria Project (SQP) for its power to transform the semi-arid region of Ceará by building and enhancing development for a region marked by unequal access to natural assets. Part of the research was fieldwork, specifically at the headquarters of the municipality of Santa Quitéria and in two of its rural districts, Riacho das Pedras and Morrinhos. Another part was held at public hearings concerning the project with large scale uranium mining and phosphate. I also referred to the documents produced within the framework of a planned management of energy resources and the generation of nuclear energy by the Federal Government and those produced by the social movements and civil entities that are against the mining project. A research in the communication vehicles was also important to collect data and affirmations of the subjects involved in the defense and in the contestation to the Santa Quitéria Project. Conclusively, conflicts arising from this relationship and socio-environmental conflicts resulting from the long process that precedes the mine’s operation highlight the conflicting perceptions about the idea of development. / Esta tese tem como objetivo compreender os modos de contestação e de legitimação do desenvolvimento gestados no tempo de instalação do complexo mínero-industrial de Itataia, por aqueles que conformam um campo de disputa sobre os efeitos decorrentes da operação da mina de urânio e de fosfato, localizada no município de Santa Quitéria, situado no semiárido cearense. Os modos de contestação ao discurso do desenvolvimento se referem aos posicionamentos e às interpretações dos movimentos sociais reunidos na Articulação Antinuclear do Ceará (AACE) e atores sociais que se colocam contrários ao empreendimento, ressaltando a sua ameaça e os seus riscos ao meio ambiente, à saúde e às atividades socioeconômicas sustentáveis realizadas nas localidades onde o Projeto Santa Quitéria se instalará. Os três modos de legitimação do desenvolvimento são: o discurso da abundância dos bens naturais, como urânio e fosfato, que justificaria a mineração destes; o discurso da sustentabilidade, que defende a opção da geração de energia nuclear como mais limpa e sustentável; e o discurso da redenção do semiárido propriamente, que ressalta a geração de empregos que virá com o empreendimento e suas hipotéticas vantagens econômicas para o município. O desenvolvimento como redenção refere-se aos discursos e ações que visam legitimar o Projeto Santa Quitéria (PSQ) pelo seu poder de transformar a região do semiárido cearense pela construção e enaltecimento do desenvolvimento para uma região marcada pelo acesso desigual aos bens naturais. A pesquisa foi realizada uma parte dela em campo, especificamente na sede do município de Santa Quitéria e em dois de seus distritos rurais, Riacho das Pedras e Morrinhos. Outra parte foi realizada nas audiências públicas concernentes ao projeto de grande escala de mineração de urânio e fosfato. Também recorri aos documentos produzidos no âmbito de uma gestão planejada dos recursos energéticos e da geração de energia nuclear pelo Governo Federal e àqueles produzidos pelos movimentos sociais e entidades civis que são contra o projeto de mineração. Uma pesquisa nos veículos de comunicação também foi importante para coletar dados e afirmações dos sujeitos envolvidos na defesa e na contestação ao Projeto Santa Quitéria. Finalmente, concluo que os conflitos decorrentes dessa relação e os conflitos socioambientais que resultam do longo processo que antecede a operação da mina colocam em relevo percepções conflitantes sobre a ideia de desenvolvimento.