立法院由立法委員所組成，依據憲法之規範，負責審議行政機關函送之議案，而行政機關為增進雙方互動，順暢相關法案、預算案之審議，設有國會聯絡人負責前揭事項之推動與協調，以期完成政策合法化之作業。因各部會業務迥異，國會動態變化莫測，導致國會聯絡工作困難度增加，故如何尋求良方，提升政策合法化之成效，並促進國會聯絡工作經驗之累積與傳承，實為本研究關注之焦點。 　　2000年Denhardt氏提出新公共服務之概念，適逢我國首次完成政黨輪替，在意識形態掛帥、政黨情勢緊繃、行政立法互動不佳之情況下，可否藉由新公共服務所倡導之信任合作、公共利益、服務、共享等核心價值，來改善行政立法之互動關係，及促進國會聯絡工作與推動策略之進行，實值得進行探討，故本研究乃以新公共服務之面向切入，期能建構出具體之國會聯絡工作推動策略。 　　本研究以深度訪談及參與觀察等質化研究方法，蒐集多位立法委員、資深國會助理、資深議事人員、資深國會聯絡主管及人員之寶貴意見，並經由內容分析法進行資料分析，發現新公共服務所倡導的信任合作、公共利益、服務、共享等理念，確能增進行政機關首長、國會聯絡人與立法委員、國會助理間之互信、互動，也能凝聚為民服務之共識，在維護公共利益之前提下，共同完成政策合法化的目標。 　　最後，本研究呼籲應建立新公共服務之國會聯絡工作、掌握化解法案及預算案之負面因素，並對機關首長、業務單位、國會聯絡人及議事運作等方面，提出順暢國會聯絡之具體建議；期能拋磚引玉，與行政機關國會聯絡先進相互討論，並提供新進人員之參考運用。 / The Legislative Yuan is composed of legislators, and according to the stipulations of constitution the legislature will deliberate the bills submitted to it by the executive branch. In order to facilitate mutual interaction, speed up review of relevant drafts, deliberation of appropriation bill, congressional liaison personnel is established at the executive branch and they will be responsible for the facilitation and coordination of the above-mentioned issues so as to complete the operation of policy legitimation. Since the business of every department varies and trends of development at the congress fluctuate, it has led to further difficulty for congressional liaison. Therefore, it is the crux of this study as what resolution can be achieved to enhance the efficiency of policy legitimation as well as facilitate the accumulation and pass-over of liaison work in the congress. 　　In year 2000, Robert Denhardt and Janet Denhardt put forth the concept of the new public service, and then it happened to be the time of the first rotation of political party in our country. Nonetheless, under the context of ideology that commands all, tensed relationship between parties, unfavorable interaction between the legislative and the executive branch it is wondered that if such core values as trust, cooperation, public interest, service, and sharing proposed by the new public service can be exploited to improve the interactive relationship between the legislative and executive as well as to facilitate congressional liaison work and impetus of strategy. It is, indeed, a task that deserves much investigation, and it is why this study has attempted to cut into the investigation from the aspect of the new public service, and hope to construe substantial impetus strategy for congressional liaison work. 　　This study would employ qualitative research methods as in-depth interview and participant-as-observation to collect precious opinions from several legislators, senior congress’ assistant, senior session staff, and senior congressional liaison head and personnel. Then, content analysis method is used to conduct information analysis, and it is found that ideas as trust, cooperation, public interest, service, and sharing proposed by the new public service can enhancing the interaction and mutual trust among heads of executive branch, congressional liaison personnel, legislator, congress’ assistant as well as coalesce the consensus to render service to the mass. Therefore, the objective to jointly furnish policy legitimation can be done under the pretext to maintain and preserve public interest. 　　At length, this study calls upon the establishment of congressional liaison work for the new public service so as to master and resolve those negative factors for legislation draft and budget bill, and put forth substantial suggestions that can help smoothen congressional liaison with regard to department head, business branch, congressional liaison personnel, and session operation. It would hope that it can turn itself as pioneer in this regard to solicit further opinions and advices so as conduct mutual discussions with those seniors, and the results of which can be cited as reference for novice of the congressional liaison.

本研究旨在探討2000年我國中央政府政黨輪替前後，不同的政府型態對於重大法案審議的影響。我們運用統計、內容分析（content analysis）、深度訪談等方法，檢視第2屆至第6屆立法院（1993年2月至2007年1月）期間，行政院提出的249個重大法案在立法院審議的情形，屬於「貫時性分析」（longitudinal analysis）。 就分立政府（divided government）與一致政府（unified government）的比較而言，研究結果發現：台灣的分立政府之重大法案審議結果，與一致政府的確有所差異，但差異並不大。值得強調的是，吾人企圖跳脫「分立vs.一致」的二元思考，嘗試作更細膩的觀察──本研究以二元對數勝算比模型（binary logit model）檢視影響重大法案通過與否的因素，藉由兩個模型的比較，最重要的發現在於：本研究提出的「四個階段」（一致政府前期、一致政府後期、分立政府前期、分立政府後期）之分析方式，較傳統「一致政府vs.分立政府」二元對立的分類，更具意義。分析結果顯示：「分立政府後期」的重大法案通過情形，明顯較「一致政府前期」好，分立政府的重大法案生產力未必不如一致政府。而且，分立政府本身有顯著差異，一致政府後期與前期的差異則更為顯著。易言之，本研究發現：分立政府的情形不能一概而論，分立初期行政部門的重大法案在國會常遭擱置延宕，頗符合Sundquist等傳統派學者的看法，但分立後期，重大法案通過率大幅回升甚至略高於一致政府的平均數，此階段的情況大致符合修正派學者Mayhew的觀點（分立政府無損於重大法案之制定），惟國會對於法案主導權的爭奪明顯較一致政府時期嚴重。另一方面，一致政府的情形亦不能一概而論，一致政府前期的重大法案推動情形並不順暢，頗值得2008年重回一致政府「完全執政」的新政府借鏡。

The aim of this thesis is to historize discourses of parenthood by analyzing how they are negotiated and legitimized in Swedish non-literary and wide spread texts published in the 1870s, 1940s and 2010s. The analyzed corpus consists of the following: family and women’s movement magazines from the 1870s; a public counseling brochure and weekly magazines from the 1940s; blog texts; online health counseling; parent magazines; and public welfare information from the 2010s. The study moreover aims to make an inventory of which visual and lexico-grammatical resources realize legitimating strategies in the texts. Theoretically, the thesis draws on constructivist and feminist discourse theories and social semiotics. There is an emphasis on subject positions and power relations. The thesis investigates which parental subject positions are legitimized in the corpus, what power relations they reproduce, and furthermore how different positions are transformed as discontinuities of each other and over time. The results are presented in four analytical chapters. In the first of these, findings derived from the legitimation analysis of the 1870s are presented. The following two chapters present the results derived from the analysis of the 1940s and 2010s. The fourth research chapter presents an inventory of semiotic resources with the potential to realize legitimating strategies. One crucial discourse-historical result regards how the position of the mother as primary caretaker predominates in the research data. However, the position is mainly legitimized during the 1870s and transformed into legitimacy during the 1940s and 2010s. The analysis furthermore captures how the same position is legitimized during the 1870s with reference to a discourse concerning a divine order of things. Although this divine discourse is muted during the 1940s and 2010s, it continues to imprint the representations. Moreover, the analysis captures how discourses of legitimate parenthood constitute discourses of manhood, Swedishness, expert knowledge, responsiveness to children, consumption and risk management throughout the investigated periods, yet in discontinuous ways. The overall conclusion drawn is that legitimized discourses from one historical setting can constitute silent foundations for representations in later historical contexts. By unraveling history from past to present, the thesis shows how it is possible to identify presupposed lineages of today’s ideas and discourses, and thereby to deconstruct hegemonic truths and the power relations they reproduce.

<p>Uloga kulture u dru&scaron;tvenim promenama javlja se kao nezaobilazna tema u kontekstu postsocijalističke<br />tranzicije. Ispostavilo se da institucionalna transformacija političkog i ekonomskog uređenja dru&scaron;tva nije<br />dovoljna, te da uspeh institucionalnih promena uveliko zavisi od nacionalne kulture, i promena na nivou cele<br />nacije (Elste, Offe, Preuss, 1998:19). Ekonomska strana tranzicije se pokazala posebno problematičnom jer<br />ekonomske aktivnosti čine veliki deo svakodnevice svakog pripadnika dru&scaron;tva, neprestano ukazujući na<br />probleme vezane za ekonomsku transformaciju dru&scaron;tva. Kada se od nje odvoje apstraktni pokazatelji kojima<br />se savremeni ekonomisti služe očito je da ekonomija sama jeste deo kulture (Beugelsdijk i Maseland,<br />2014:116). Dru&scaron;tvene i kulturne promene u osnovnoj strukturi i vrsti modifikacija kulturnih institucija tokom<br />nekog vremenskog perioda ogledaju se kroz kulturne obrasce (Koković 2005: 228). Primenjujući savremene<br />ekonomske metode i teorije novi institucionalni ekonomisti uglavnom poku&scaron;avaju da izbegnu argumentaciju<br />prisutnu u drugim dru&scaron;tvenim naukama &ndash; argumentaciju da institucije nisu rezultat efikasnog re&scaron;enja<br />ekonomskih problema (Granovetter u Biggard ed. 2002:88), već ne&scaron;to mnogo kompleksnije. Ipak, kako se<br />kulturni obrasci manifestuju kao ustaljeni načini pona&scaron;anja te stoga predstavljaju relativno stabilne pojave,<br />oni su takođe i temelj institucionalizacije &ndash; kada se takva pona&scaron;anja nađu u okviru većih koherentnih celina<br />prerastaju u institucionalizovano pona&scaron;anje, učestvujući u izgradnji institucije (Koković 2005: 228). Jedan od<br />nedovoljno istraženih pristupa u sociologiji kulture je legitimacija kulturnih obrazaca, i sledstveno tome<br />legitimacija institucija i institucionalnih sistema. Mehanizmi legitimacije kao socijalne činjenice zahvataju u<br />&scaron;iroko polje kulture, uključujući socijalnu strukturu, odnose moći i slično, pa se ne mogu posmatrati mimo<br />toga (Berger, Luckmann, 1991. Searl, 1996). Sa svoja četri funkcionalna nivoa, prema Bergeru i Lukmanu,<br />legitimacija povezuje čitav socio-kulturni svet zajednice i pripadajućih individua. U kontekstu<br />postsocijalističke tranzicije u Srbiji stanje ekonomske kulture se posebno manifestuje na relacijama između<br />institucija svojine, trži&scaron;ta i nacionalne države, kao specifičnih artikulacija srpske kulture, i za njih vezane<br />kulturne obrasce.<br />Disertacija je imala za cilj da pruži uvid u odnos između institucija svojine, trži&scaron;ta i države kao jednog<br />institucionalnog sklopa iz perspektive ekonomske kulture, a oslanjajući se prvenstveno na legitimaciju<br />institucionalnih i kulturnih obrazaca i sistema. Imajući u vidu složenost zadatka &ndash; stanje u savremenom<br />srpskom dru&scaron;tvu trebalo je objasniti i iz istorijske perspektive &ndash; bilo je neophodno kombinovati različitu vrstu<br />građe i evidencije, i u skladu sa tim različite metode opisa, analize i interpretacije. Pored istorijske građe i<br />radova autora koji su istraživali socioekonomske aspekte srpskog dru&scaron;tva i istorije kori&scaron;ćena je empirijske<br />evidencija prikupljena u okviru Evropskog istraživanja vrednosti (EVS) i Projekta jugoistočnog socijalnog<br />istraživanja (SEESSP). Pomenuta empirijska građa obrađna je klaster analizom kako bi se utvrdili<br />legitimacijski obrasci koji korespondiraju kulturnim obrascima u savremnom srpskom dru&scaron;tvu. Kori&scaron;ćenjem<br />istorijske i savremene evidencije trebalo je utvrditi kakvu ulogu u srpskoj ekonomskoj kulturi ima institucija<br />trži&scaron;ta, i u kakvom je odnosu sa institucijama svojine i države, kao i kako se to menjalo kroz razvoj srpske<br />države od XIX veka naovamo &ndash; kako se u ovom kulturno-institucionalnom trouglu organizovao ekonomski<br />život srpskog dru&scaron;tva.<br />U teorijsko-metodolo&scaron;kom pogledu pokazalo se da su legitimacijski mehanizmi solidni pokazatelji kulturnih<br />obrazaca čak i kada kori&scaron;ćeni podaci nisu optimalni. Sa druge strane, a nimalo neočekivano, ispostavilo se da<br />uvođenje trži&scaron;nih mehanizama u ekonomiju dru&scaron;tva kontekstualno uslovljen postojećim institucionalnim<br />ograničenjima vezanim za svojinu i državno uređenje, kao i &scaron;ire kulturne obrasce i etičke norme dru&scaron;tva. Ne<br />može se govoriti o uvođenju ili neuvođenju trži&scaron;ne ekonomije, već o spcefičnim trži&scaron;nim mehanizmima i<br />njihovoj strukturi i poziciji u ukupnoj ekonomskoj aktivnosti i kulturi dru&scaron;tva.<br />Kada je reč o srpskom dru&scaron;tvu, identifikovani kulturni obrasci potvrđuju nalaze drugih autora o kulturi u<br />kojoj značajno mesto zauzimaju egalitaristički principi, kolektivizam, i oslanjanje na državu kao<br />dominantnog ekonomskog arbitra. Istorijska analiza takođe sugeri&scaron;e da takva kultura nije rezultat<br />vi&scaron;edecenijskog socijalizma, već joj koreni sežu mnogo dalje u pro&scaron;lost, pojavljujući se kao karakteristika<br />zajednička različitim socio-političkim uređenjima. Kulturni obrasci iz prve decenije XXI veka ukazuju da<br />postoji legitimacijski deficit kad je u pitanju trži&scaron;te. Trži&scaron;te u srpskoj kulturi nije institucionalizovano kao<br />mehanizam pogodan za distribuciju bogatstva, odnosno, većina kulturnih obrazaca ne pozicionira trži&scaron;te kao<br />dobar kriterijum regulacije materijalnih nejednakosti. Takođe, iako većinu kulturnih obrazaca karakteri&scaron;e<br />preferencija privatne svojine, uočljiva su opredeljenja uspostavljena etičkim normama koje važe u srpskom Uloga kulture u dru&scaron;tvenim promenama javlja se kao nezaobilazna tema u kontekstu postsocijalističke</p><p>tranzicije. Ispostavilo se da institucionalna transformacija političkog i ekonomskog uređenja dru&scaron;tva nije<br />dovoljna, te da uspeh institucionalnih promena uveliko zavisi od nacionalne kulture, i promena na nivou cele<br />nacije (Elste, Offe, Preuss, 1998:19). Ekonomska strana tranzicije se pokazala posebno problematičnom jer<br />ekonomske aktivnosti čine veliki deo svakodnevice svakog pripadnika dru&scaron;tva, neprestano ukazujući na<br />probleme vezane za ekonomsku transformaciju dru&scaron;tva. Kada se od nje odvoje apstraktni pokazatelji kojima<br />se savremeni ekonomisti služe očito je da ekonomija sama jeste deo kulture (Beugelsdijk i Maseland,<br />2014:116). Dru&scaron;tvene i kulturne promene u osnovnoj strukturi i vrsti modifikacija kulturnih institucija tokom<br />nekog vremenskog perioda ogledaju se kroz kulturne obrasce (Koković 2005: 228). Primenjujući savremene<br />ekonomske metode i teorije novi institucionalni ekonomisti uglavnom poku&scaron;avaju da izbegnu argumentaciju<br />prisutnu u drugim dru&scaron;tvenim naukama &ndash; argumentaciju da institucije nisu rezultat efikasnog re&scaron;enja<br />ekonomskih problema (Granovetter u Biggard ed. 2002:88), već ne&scaron;to mnogo kompleksnije. Ipak, kako se<br />kulturni obrasci manifestuju kao ustaljeni načini pona&scaron;anja te stoga predstavljaju relativno stabilne pojave,<br />oni su takođe i temelj institucionalizacije &ndash; kada se takva pona&scaron;anja nađu u okviru većih koherentnih celina<br />prerastaju u institucionalizovano pona&scaron;anje, učestvujući u izgradnji institucije (Koković 2005: 228). Jedan od<br />nedovoljno istraženih pristupa u sociologiji kulture je legitimacija kulturnih obrazaca, i sledstveno tome<br />legitimacija institucija i institucionalnih sistema. Mehanizmi legitimacije kao socijalne činjenice zahvataju u<br />&scaron;iroko polje kulture, uključujući socijalnu strukturu, odnose moći i slično, pa se ne mogu posmatrati mimo<br />toga (Berger, Luckmann, 1991. Searl, 1996). Sa svoja četri funkcionalna nivoa, prema Bergeru i Lukmanu,<br />legitimacija povezuje čitav socio-kulturni svet zajednice i pripadajućih individua. U kontekstu<br />postsocijalističke tranzicije u Srbiji stanje ekonomske kulture se posebno manifestuje na relacijama između<br />institucija svojine, trži&scaron;ta i nacionalne države, kao specifičnih artikulacija srpske kulture, i za njih vezane<br />kulturne obrasce.<br />Disertacija je imala za cilj da pruži uvid u odnos između institucija svojine, trži&scaron;ta i države kao jednog<br />institucionalnog sklopa iz perspektive ekonomske kulture, a oslanjajući se prvenstveno na legitimaciju<br />institucionalnih i kulturnih obrazaca i sistema. Imajući u vidu složenost zadatka &ndash; stanje u savremenom<br />srpskom dru&scaron;tvu trebalo je objasniti i iz istorijske perspektive &ndash; bilo je neophodno kombinovati različitu vrstu<br />građe i evidencije, i u skladu sa tim različite metode opisa, analize i interpretacije. Pored istorijske građe i<br />radova autora koji su istraživali socioekonomske aspekte srpskog dru&scaron;tva i istorije kori&scaron;ćena je empirijske<br />evidencija prikupljena u okviru Evropskog istraživanja vrednosti (EVS) i Projekta jugoistočnog socijalnog<br />istraživanja (SEESSP). Pomenuta empirijska građa obrađna je klaster analizom kako bi se utvrdili<br />legitimacijski obrasci koji korespondiraju kulturnim obrascima u savremnom srpskom dru&scaron;tvu. Kori&scaron;ćenjem<br />istorijske i savremene evidencije trebalo je utvrditi kakvu ulogu u srpskoj ekonomskoj kulturi ima institucija<br />trži&scaron;ta, i u kakvom je odnosu sa institucijama svojine i države, kao i kako se to menjalo kroz razvoj srpske<br />države od XIX veka naovamo &ndash; kako se u ovom kulturno-institucionalnom trouglu organizovao ekonomski<br />život srpskog dru&scaron;tva.<br />U teorijsko-metodolo&scaron;kom pogledu pokazalo se da su legitimacijski mehanizmi solidni pokazatelji kulturnih<br />obrazaca čak i kada kori&scaron;ćeni podaci nisu optimalni. Sa druge strane, a nimalo neočekivano, ispostavilo se da<br />uvođenje trži&scaron;nih mehanizama u ekonomiju dru&scaron;tva kontekstualno uslovljen postojećim institucionalnim<br />ograničenjima vezanim za svojinu i državno uređenje, kao i &scaron;ire kulturne obrasce i etičke norme dru&scaron;tva. Ne<br />može se govoriti o uvođenju ili neuvođenju trži&scaron;ne ekonomije, već o spcefičnim trži&scaron;nim mehanizmima i<br />njihovoj strukturi i poziciji u ukupnoj ekonomskoj aktivnosti i kulturi dru&scaron;tva.<br />Kada je reč o srpskom dru&scaron;tvu, identifikovani kulturni obrasci potvrđuju nalaze drugih autora o kulturi u<br />kojoj značajno mesto zauzimaju egalitaristički principi, kolektivizam, i oslanjanje na državu kao<br />dominantnog ekonomskog arbitra. Istorijska analiza takođe sugeri&scaron;e da takva kultura nije rezultat<br />vi&scaron;edecenijskog socijalizma, već joj koreni sežu mnogo dalje u pro&scaron;lost, pojavljujući se kao karakteristika<br />zajednička različitim socio-političkim uređenjima. Kulturni obrasci iz prve decenije XXI veka ukazuju da<br />postoji legitimacijski deficit kad je u pitanju trži&scaron;te. Trži&scaron;te u srpskoj kulturi nije institucionalizovano kao<br />mehanizam pogodan za distribuciju bogatstva, odnosno, većina kulturnih obrazaca ne pozicionira trži&scaron;te kao<br />dobar kriterijum regulacije materijalnih nejednakosti. Takođe, iako većinu kulturnih obrazaca karakteri&scaron;e<br />preferencija privatne svojine, uočljiva su opredeljenja uspostavljena etičkim normama koje važe u srpskom.</p> / <p>The role of culture in social changes appears as unavoidable topic in the context of post-socialist transition. It<br />turned out that institutional transformation of political and economic systems is not sufficient and that social<br />success of instituional changes depends on culture, and requires changes at the national level (Elster, Offe,<br />Preuss, 1998:19). Economic transition has proven particularly problematic given that economic activities<br />make a significant part of daily routine for every member of a society, hence constantly bringing about<br />problems related to economic transformation of a society. Looking beyond abstract indicators contemporary<br />economists rely on economy is obviously part of culture (Beugelsdijk i Maseland, 2014:116). Social and<br />cultural changes in structure and substance of social institutions are manifested over time as changes in<br />cultural patterns (Koković 2005: 228). By applying contemporary economic methods and theories new<br />institutional economists try mainly to avoid an argument present in other social sciences &ndash; institutions are not<br />a result of efficient solution to economic problems (Granovetter u Biggard ed. 2002:88), but rather something<br />much more complex. Cultural patterns as habitual behavioural models manifest relatively stable phenomena,<br />and make foundation for institutionalization &ndash; when such behaviour finds itslef within larger coherent units it<br />turns into institutionalized behaviour, contributing to institution building (Koković 2005: 228). One of the<br />less explored directions in sociology of culture is legitimation of cultural patterns, and subsequently<br />legitimation of institutions and institutional systems. Legitimating mechanisms as identifiable social facts<br />reach into a broad field of culture, including social structure, power relations and similar, and therefore<br />cannot be analyzed separately (Berger, Luckmann, 1991. Searl, 1996). With four functional levels, according<br />to Berger and Luckmann, legitimation connects all socio-cultural world of a community and its members. In<br />the context of post-socialist transition in Serbia the state of economic culture is manifested through relation<br />between institutions of property, market and national state, as specific articulations of Serbian culture and<br />relevant cultural patterns.<br />The goal of the thesis was to provide insight into a relationship between institutions of property, market and<br />the state as an institutional entity from the perspective of economic culture, relying primarily on legitimation<br />of institutional and cultural patterns and systems. Having in mind complexity of the task &ndash; contemporary<br />Serbian society had to be explained from economic culture perspective &ndash; it was necessary to combine a<br />variety of sources and evidence, and accordingly a different ways of description, analysis and interpretation.<br />Apart from historical evidence and works of scholars dealing with socioeconomic aspects of Serbian society<br />and history two other sources of evidence were used: European Values Survey (EVS), and Southeastern<br />European Social Study Project (SEESSP). This empircal evidence was analysed using cluster analysis in<br />order to explore legitimation patterns that corespond to cultural patterns in contemporary Serbian society.<br />Recent empirical evidence was used to assess the role market as an institution plays in Serbian economic<br />culture, and its relation to institutions of property and the state, as well as changes from XIX century onwards<br />&ndash; to analyse how economic life of Serbian society was organised in this cultural-institutional triangle.<br />From methodological and theoretical side legitimation mechanisms proved to be solid indicators of cultural<br />patterns, even if data used was not optimal. On the other hand, and not unexpected, introduction of market<br />mechanisms into a national economy turned out to be dependent on the context defined by existing<br />institutional boundaries related to property and state organization, as well as more general kultural patterns<br />and ethical norms. We cannot simply talk about introduction of market economy, but rather about specific<br />market mechanisms and their structue and position in general economic practice of a society.<br />Regarding Serbian society specifically, identified cultural patterns coincide with conclusions of other authors<br />where egalitarian principles, collectivism and reliance on the state as a dominant economic player have<br />prominent role. Historical analysis also suggests that such a culture is not a result of many decades of<br />socialism but rather its roots reach much farther into the past, as a constant common to different sociopolitical<br />systems. Cultural patterns from the first decade of XXI century suggest legitimation deficit in<br />relation to the market. The market is not parceived as a mechanism appropriate for wealth distribution, and<br />majority of cultural patterns do not percieve market as a good criteria for inequalities regulation. Also, even<br />though most cultural patterns suggest preference towards private property, the norm linked to accumulation<br />and liberties to use property leads to ethical norm of Serbian society. Given the results, and although<br />indirectly, it can be claimed with certainty that ethical norm of relative egalitarianism in functional (as the<br />most appropriate mechanism to uphold and reproduce the norm) and legitimation (by establishing institutional interdependence) sense rely on the state as an institution &ndash; not the market. Long lasting</p><p>transitional uncertainity and lack of real reforms can be pointed at as reasons for identified situation in<br />Serbian society and culture, as well as a cause of cognitively dissonant legitimation and cultural patterns.<br />The research suggests conclusion in three main points: economic prosperity of a society requires<br />unambiguous cultural patterns which can provide clear guidance for economic action of an individual; one of<br />the preconditions is stability of the framework in which economic life happens, something we can with<br />caution claim is the situation in Serbia today; and finally, apart from stability and clear value orientation,<br />economic culture in Serbia depends equally on ability of society itself to eliminate cultural norms and<br />patterns for which there is a modern alternative. Apart from these conclusions theorietical framework and<br />results of this work by openning new questions present a solid ground for future research of economic culture<br />in Serbia.<br />&nbsp;</p>

Entre 2008 et 2011, les lois de bioéthique françaises ont été examinées pour la seconde fois. A cette occasion, plusieurs débats polémiques ont été rouverts au cours d’une large consultation associant des « experts », des représentants de la société civile organisée et - pour la première fois en la matière - des citoyens lambda. Cette procédure originale, les « états généraux de la bioéthique », est étudiée par l’intermédiaire de la discussion relative à la potentielle légalisation de la gestation pour autrui (GPA). La théorie habermassienne de l’espace public et de la délibération permet de questionner ce processus de mise en discussion, initié par les mobilisations sociales, pris en charge par les pouvoirs publics et conclu par la promulgation d’une loi. Le concept de légitimité est au cœur de cette recherche, qui interroge ses fondements et met en lumière ses ambigüités. Expertise des comités de sages, recours aux citoyens ordinaires, vote parlementaire, constituent autant d’étapes par lesquelles la décision est progressivement construite et légitimée. Dans le cas présent, le dispositif participatif joue un rôle déterminant, véhiculant des représentations particulières de la démocratie participative, de la formation de l’intérêt général et de la loi « à la française ». / Between 2008 and 2011, the French bioethics laws were examined for the second time. On that occasion, a lot of polemical debates were re-opened, during a broad consultation involving “experts”, representatives of civil society and, for the first time in this field, ordinary citizens. This original procedure, the “états généraux de la bioéthique”, is studied through the controversy over legalization of gestational surrogacy. The Habermasian public sphere and deliberative democracy theory is used to question the discussion process initiated by social mobilizations, managed by public authorities and finalized by the promulgation of a law. Legitimacy is at the core of this doctoral research, which is wondering about its foundations and highlighting its ambiguities. The decision is progressively built and legitimated through the consultation of committees, the participation of citizens and the vote of the Parliament. In this case, the “états généraux de la bioéthique” play a crucial role by conveying some specific perspectives about participatory democracy, general will definition and “French style” law.

Cette thèse porte sur la caractérisation du milieu spécialisé des entreprises du risque technologique aux États-Unis. Dans le cadre de la recherche en anglais de spécialité, il s’agit de démontrer que les multinationales américaines du pétrole et des biotechnologies agricoles partagent un discours et une culture spécifiques, fondés sur une stratégie de légitimation de leurs activités. Cette stratégie de légitimation se manifeste à travers des choix structurels, lexicaux, syntaxiques et rhétoriques qui distinguent le discours spécialisé au sein du monde de l’entreprise. Dans la première partie, nous revenons sur les fondements théoriques et méthodologiques de ce travail : nous précisons la singularité du milieu formé par Monsanto, DuPont Pioneer, Dow AgroSciences, Chevron, ExxonMobil et Conoco Phillips et présentons la méthodologie en trois temps, qui reflète le caractère pluridisciplinaire de l’anglais de spécialité. La seconde partie porte sur les manifestations de la stratégie de légitimation dans les déclarations de mission, les rapports annuels et les communiqués de presse des multinationales étudiées. L’analyse souligne des modifications de certains critères prototypiques, qui reflètent une conception particulière de la RSE et de la culture d’entreprise. Une perspective civilisationnelle est proposée afin d’éclairer l’adaptation du discours de l’entreprise au contexte local. La dernière partie traite des genres émergents, de l’adaptation des outils du Web 2.0. et de la mise en place de stratégies de « légidivertissement » et de « promodivertissement » sur Internet, afin de répondre aux enjeux communicationnels propres au domaine du risque technologique. / This dissertation focuses on the specialized milieu formed by technological risk companies in the United States. Within the framework of English for Specific Purposes, we aim to show that American multinationals specializing in oil and agricultural biotechnology share a specific discourse and culture based on legitimizing their activities. This legitimation strategy can be identified through structural, lexical, syntactic and rhetorical choices which set apart the specialized discourse of technological risk companies within the corporate world. Part 1 presents the theoretical and methodological foundations of our research: the specificity of the milieu formed by Monsanto, DuPont Pioneer, Dow AgroSciences, Chevron, ExxonMobil and Conoco Phillips is clarified and the methodology, which reflects the pluridisciplinary nature of English for Specific Purposes, is explained. Part 2 concentrates on the manifestations of the legitimation strategy in the mission statements, annual reports and press releases of technological risk companies. The analysis underscores some modifications in the traditional genres of company discourse which reflect a specific vision of CSR and corporate culture. A cultural perspective is suggested to cast light on the local adaptation of corporate discourse. Part 3 concentrates on emerging cybergenres, the adaptation of web 2.0 tools and the use of “promotainment” and “legitainment strategies” on the Internet as a response to the specific communicative needs of technological risk multinationals.

In some of the most established and supposedly immutable liberal democracies, diverse social groups are losing con fi dence not only in established democratic institutions, but in the idea of liberal representative democracy itself. Meanwhile, an illiberal and anti-egalitarian transformation of democracy evolves at an apparently unstoppable pace. This democratic fatigue syndrome , the present article suggests, is qualitatively di ff erent from the crises of Democracy which have been debated for some considerable time. Focusing on mature democracies underpinned by the ideational tradition of European Enlightenment, the article theorizes this Syndrome and the striking transformation of democracy in terms of a dialectic process in which the very norm that once gave birth to the democratic project - the modernist idea of the autonomous subject - metamorphoses into its gravedigger, or at least into the driver of its radical reformulation. The article further develops aspects of my existing work on second-order emancipation and simulative democracy . Taking a theoretical rather than empirical approach, it aims to provide a conceptual framework for more empirically oriented analyses of changing forms of political articulation and participation.

A presente investigação versa sobre as controvérsias acerca da institucionalização da história da arte no Brasil, tendo como objeto central os debates sobre a criação de cursos de graduação na área, por meio do qual objetiva-se refletir sobre a formação e a presença do historiador da arte no Brasil e questionar a relevância da autonomia institucional e epistemológica da história da arte. Pretende-se, a partir de uma história das instituições, empreender uma reflexão epistemológica sobre a presença da história da arte e a formação do historiador da arte no Brasil. Procura-se demonstrar a tese de que a preocupação em constituir um espaço de formação específica em história da arte em nível de graduação e a problematização das histórias da arte produzidas nas universidades brasileiras (evidente, por exemplo, na forma como são propostos os currículos destes cursos) são fundamentais ao debate acerca do que se compreende por história da arte no Brasil hoje e estão diretamente relacionadas ao amadurecimento e à consolidação da autonomia da história da arte enquanto campo científico no país. Para isso, avaliou-se que as particularidades que envolvem a constituição e a configuração atual da história da arte no Brasil poderiam ser mais bem compreendidas retomando o que outrora se projetou, revendo os percursos e avaliando os percalços, de forma a revelar o lugar que a história da arte ocupa hoje no âmbito científico brasileiro. O período histórico que o projeto de pesquisa abrange tem como marco inicial a década de 1950, quando teve início uma série de manifestações favoráveis à criação de um curso superior de história da arte, com destaque para a atuação do historiador da arte Mario Barata. Em 1963, foi criado o primeiro curso específico na área, alocado na estrutura do extinto Instituto de Belas Artes do Rio de Janeiro (IBA-RJ), que originou o bacharelado hoje oferecido pelo Instituto de Artes da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (ART/UERJ). O recorte estende-se até as duas primeiras décadas do século XXI, quando ocorreram importantes reformulações naquele curso e foram criados quatro outros, vinculados à Escola de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas da Universidade Federal de São Paulo (EFLCH/UNIFESP); à Escola de Belas Artes da Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (EBA/UFRJ); ao Instituto de Artes da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (IA/UFRGS); e ao Instituto de Artes da Universidade de Brasília (IdA/UnB). Por fim, propõe-se que o reconhecimento das especificidades e limitações da história da disciplina no Brasil possa ajudar a compreender o que significa hoje produzir história da arte entre nós, bem como criar condições fecundas para que se possa prosseguir a partir de tais questionamentos. / The present research deals with the controversies about the institutionalization of art history in Brazil. Its main object is the debates about the creation of undergraduate courses in the area, through which the objective is to reflect on the formation and the presence of the art historian in Brazil and to question the relevance of the institutional and epistemological autonomy of art history. The intention is to, through the study of the history of the institutions, undertake an epistemological reflection on the presence of art history and the formation of the art historian in Brazil. It is sought to demonstrate the thesis that the concern to constitute a space of specific formation in art history at graduation level and the problematization of the histories of art produced in the Brazilian universities (evident, for example, in the forms that the curriculum to those courses are proposed) are fundamental to the debate about what is understood by art history in Brazil today and are directly related to the maturation and consolidation of the autonomy of art history as a scientific field in the country. For this purpose, it was evaluated that the particularities that involve the constitution and the current configuration of art history in Brazil could be better understood by taking back what was once projected, reviewing the routes and evaluating the mishaps, in order to reveal the place that art history occupies today in the Brazilian scientific scope. The historical period that the research project covers has as its initial mark in the 1950s, when a series of demonstrations favoring the creation of an advanced course in art history began, highlighting here the performance of art historian Mario Barata. The creation of the first specific course in the area was in 1963, in the former Instituto de Belas Artes do Rio de Janeiro (IBA-RJ), which originated the bachelors degree, offered today by the Instituto de Artes da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (ART/UERJ). The time range extends to the first two decades of the twenty-first century, when major reformulations occurred in that course and four others were created, linked to the Escola de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas da Universidade Federal de São Paulo (EFLCH/UNIFESP); the Escola de Belas Artes da Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (EBA/UFRJ); the Instituto de Artes da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (IA/UFRGS); and the Instituto de Artes da Universidade de Brasília (IdA/UnB). Lastly, it is proposed that the recognition of the specificities and limitations of the history of the discipline in Brazil can help to understand what today means to produce art history among us, as well as to create fertile conditions to continue through such questions.

A presente dissertação tem como o objetivo discutir as dificuldades adicionais de legitimação do Estado Democrático de Direito na Modernidade Periférica, a partir da observação do caso brasileiro. O marco teórico adotado será a teoria dos sistemas de Niklas Luhmann. Para Luhmann, o Estado Democrático de Direito deve ser compreendido como resultado da diferenciação entre o sistema político e o sistema jurídico. Os traços característicos da realidade brasileira (como a exclusão, o personalismo e a corrupção) prejudicam o cumprimento das funções desses dois sistemas funcionais. A falta de confiabilidade, equidade e acessibilidade dos procedimentos estatais, por sua vez, compromete a sua capacidade de absorver e intermediar a conflituosidade social, prejudicando a aceitação das decisões estatais. / This work has as objective to discuss the additional difficulties of legitimation of the democratic state of law in Peripheral modernity, from the observation of the Brazilian case. The theoretical framework adopted is the systems theory of Niklas Luhmann. For Luhmann, the democratic state must be understood as the result of differentiation between the political system and legal system. The characteristics of the Brazilian reality (such as exclusion, personalism and corruption) affect the functions of these two functional systems. The lack of reliability, equity and accessibility of state procedures, in turn, compromises their ability to absorb and mediate the social conflicts, undermining the acceptance of government decisions

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-06-26T17:36:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DaianePiasMachado.pdf: 618795 bytes, checksum: 840ea95531275a994aca53621fb3d09c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-26T17:36:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DaianePiasMachado.pdf: 618795 bytes, checksum: 840ea95531275a994aca53621fb3d09c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-25 / Nenhuma / Esse estudo analisa como as empresas brasileiras de capital aberto utilizam a evidenciação ambiental para gerenciar sua legitimidade social, verificando o objetivo da evidenciação, se é ganhar, manter ou recuperar a legitimidade; a forma como isso ocorre se de maneira pragmática, moral ou cognitiva e as estratégias utilizadas para esse fim. Para isso, são examinadas as informações ambientais divulgadas nos relatórios de sustentabilidade das empresas que compõem a carteira do Índice de Sustentabilidade Empresarial (ISE) da Bolsa de Valores de São Paulo (BM&FBOVESPA), adotando-se como unidade de numeração os parágrafos evidenciados. A amostra é composta por 30 empresas pertencentes a diversos setores da economia. Quanto à natureza, trata-se de uma pesquisa aplicada, com objetivo descritivo, abordagem quantitativa do problema e procedimento técnico documental. Os dados obtidos no estudo permitem concluir que as empresas da amostra utilizam a evidenciação ambiental como instrumento para gerenciar sua legitimidade social, fazendo isso de várias formas e utilizando diversas estratégias. Evidenciam suas informações ambientais com o intuito, preferencialmente, de ganhar legitimidade, empregando equilibradamente a forma pragmática, moral e cognitiva em sua evidenciação, relatando ações que visem popularizar seus modelos, fazer adeptos à sua forma de gestão, cooptar integrantes para desenvolver ações ambientais, mostrar que produzem resultados ambientalmente adequados, entre outras. / This study examines how brazilian companies use environmental disclosure to manage its social legitimacy, verifying the purpose of disclosure, if it’s to gain, maintain or repair legitimacy; how this occurs, if it´s a pragmatic, moral or cognitive mode and the strategies used for this purpose. To do this, we examine environmental disclosures in sustainability reports of the companies listed at the Managerial Sustainability Index (ISE) from São Paulo’s Stock Exchange (BM&FBOVESPA), adopting as unit numbering the highlighted paragraphs. The sample consists of 30 companies belonging to various sectors of the economy. It is an applied research with descriptive objective, quantitative approach to the problem and a documentary research as a technical procedure. The data obtained in this study allow us to conclude that the sample companies use environmental disclosure as a tool to manage their social legitimacy, making it in many ways and using different strategies. Demonstrate their environmental information in order, preferably, to gain legitimacy, employing a balanced pragmatic, moral and cognitive in its disclosure, reporting actions aimed to popularize their models, making adherents to its way of management, co-opt members to develop environmental initiatives, show that produce environmentally adequate results, among others.