This study analyses the legitimation of violence against women in Colombia, using critical discourse analysis to explore attitudes related to violence, gender, and power. Internet forums from the website of the Colombian newspaper El Tiempo provide everyday examples of talk about two incidents of violence against women (VAW), a sexual assault and a wife-beating, both of which triggered a large scale reaction from the Colombian public. Colombia is a unique context to study the normalisation of VAW. This nation has been characterised by high levels of violence over the last sixty years, suffering through evolving stages of armed conflict. Militarisation has been shown to increase the occurrence of VAW (Kelly, 2000), and the normalisation of VAW may intensify as well in militarily violent contexts (Hume, 2004; McWilliams, 1998). Critical discourse analysis offers theory and methodology to examine an aspect of life in terms of social justice and power (Fairclough, 2003; Resende, 2009), denaturalising the discursive practices which help to produce and reproduce power relations between social groups (Fairclough & Wodak, 1997; van Dijk, 1993). This study examines legitimation, a social action realised in discourse, which has the goal of setting and reinforcing a certain social order. The project also explores how legitimation in these forums is tied to Colombian culture and the topic of VAW. Drawing on the methods of van Dijk (1988, 1998, 2001) ,Wood and Kroger (2000), and grounded theory (Corbin & Strauss, 2008), multiple readings of the forums elicited salient themes as well as discursive strategies used to carry out legitimation of VAW. These were analysed in terms of underlying social beliefs prevailing in Colombian society. Dominant themes emerging from analysis of the sexual assault forums include: ‘“real” violence is more important’; ‘this incident was not a big deal’; ‘it’s her fault anyway’; and ‘she should have appreciated it’. These manifest the dominant strategies and structures of contrasts, minimisation, victim blaming, and romanticisation/sexualisation, respectively. Analysis of the wife-beating forums reveals the following themes: ‘this is not related to me’; ‘wife-beating is a private issue’; ‘domestic violence is normal and even important’; ‘it is the victim’s responsibility to change’; and ‘the victim deserves this violence’. Dominant strategies included respectively: distancing explanations and solutions, discourses of privacy, normalising violence, focusing on the victim, and victim blaming. The forum analyses illustrate how legitimation relates to Colombian culture and the topic of VAW. Numerous elements of culture and topic are used to criticise women’s agency and suggest that women ought to be passive and silent. In one culture-related example, the Colombian reiteration of violent events works to silence women’s stories about their experiences of VAW. Another strong element of culture is found in Colombian sayings and proverbs presenting a common knowledge discourse normalising VAW as romantic, sexual and necessary. Discourses used more universally to justify VAW include the idea that women belong in the private sphere and the psychopathologisation of women as attention-seeking and slutty. These elements work together to suggest that women are strong, sexual, and dangerous, needing violence from an authority to keep them uncomplaining and submissive. This work can inform future studies about discourse concerning VAW in Hispanic contexts, sketching in a little-studied disciplinary intersection. As this research participates in the aims of feminist critical discourse analysis, it is hoped that the present study will also be used for critical campaigns aimed at media specialists and educators so that they may create greater awareness and promote change, pointing out and discouraging these discourses legitimating violence against women in Colombia.

This study analyses the legitimation of violence against women in Colombia, using critical discourse analysis to explore attitudes related to violence, gender, and power. Internet forums from the website of the Colombian newspaper El Tiempo provide everyday examples of talk about two incidents of violence against women (VAW), a sexual assault and a wife-beating, both of which triggered a large scale reaction from the Colombian public. Colombia is a unique context to study the normalisation of VAW. This nation has been characterised by high levels of violence over the last sixty years, suffering through evolving stages of armed conflict. Militarisation has been shown to increase the occurrence of VAW (Kelly, 2000), and the normalisation of VAW may intensify as well in militarily violent contexts (Hume, 2004; McWilliams, 1998). Critical discourse analysis offers theory and methodology to examine an aspect of life in terms of social justice and power (Fairclough, 2003; Resende, 2009), denaturalising the discursive practices which help to produce and reproduce power relations between social groups (Fairclough & Wodak, 1997; van Dijk, 1993). This study examines legitimation, a social action realised in discourse, which has the goal of setting and reinforcing a certain social order. The project also explores how legitimation in these forums is tied to Colombian culture and the topic of VAW. Drawing on the methods of van Dijk (1988, 1998, 2001) ,Wood and Kroger (2000), and grounded theory (Corbin & Strauss, 2008), multiple readings of the forums elicited salient themes as well as discursive strategies used to carry out legitimation of VAW. These were analysed in terms of underlying social beliefs prevailing in Colombian society. Dominant themes emerging from analysis of the sexual assault forums include: ‘“real” violence is more important’; ‘this incident was not a big deal’; ‘it’s her fault anyway’; and ‘she should have appreciated it’. These manifest the dominant strategies and structures of contrasts, minimisation, victim blaming, and romanticisation/sexualisation, respectively. Analysis of the wife-beating forums reveals the following themes: ‘this is not related to me’; ‘wife-beating is a private issue’; ‘domestic violence is normal and even important’; ‘it is the victim’s responsibility to change’; and ‘the victim deserves this violence’. Dominant strategies included respectively: distancing explanations and solutions, discourses of privacy, normalising violence, focusing on the victim, and victim blaming. The forum analyses illustrate how legitimation relates to Colombian culture and the topic of VAW. Numerous elements of culture and topic are used to criticise women’s agency and suggest that women ought to be passive and silent. In one culture-related example, the Colombian reiteration of violent events works to silence women’s stories about their experiences of VAW. Another strong element of culture is found in Colombian sayings and proverbs presenting a common knowledge discourse normalising VAW as romantic, sexual and necessary. Discourses used more universally to justify VAW include the idea that women belong in the private sphere and the psychopathologisation of women as attention-seeking and slutty. These elements work together to suggest that women are strong, sexual, and dangerous, needing violence from an authority to keep them uncomplaining and submissive. This work can inform future studies about discourse concerning VAW in Hispanic contexts, sketching in a little-studied disciplinary intersection. As this research participates in the aims of feminist critical discourse analysis, it is hoped that the present study will also be used for critical campaigns aimed at media specialists and educators so that they may create greater awareness and promote change, pointing out and discouraging these discourses legitimating violence against women in Colombia.

This study analyses the legitimation of violence against women in Colombia, using critical discourse analysis to explore attitudes related to violence, gender, and power. Internet forums from the website of the Colombian newspaper El Tiempo provide everyday examples of talk about two incidents of violence against women (VAW), a sexual assault and a wife-beating, both of which triggered a large scale reaction from the Colombian public. Colombia is a unique context to study the normalisation of VAW. This nation has been characterised by high levels of violence over the last sixty years, suffering through evolving stages of armed conflict. Militarisation has been shown to increase the occurrence of VAW (Kelly, 2000), and the normalisation of VAW may intensify as well in militarily violent contexts (Hume, 2004; McWilliams, 1998). Critical discourse analysis offers theory and methodology to examine an aspect of life in terms of social justice and power (Fairclough, 2003; Resende, 2009), denaturalising the discursive practices which help to produce and reproduce power relations between social groups (Fairclough & Wodak, 1997; van Dijk, 1993). This study examines legitimation, a social action realised in discourse, which has the goal of setting and reinforcing a certain social order. The project also explores how legitimation in these forums is tied to Colombian culture and the topic of VAW. Drawing on the methods of van Dijk (1988, 1998, 2001) ,Wood and Kroger (2000), and grounded theory (Corbin & Strauss, 2008), multiple readings of the forums elicited salient themes as well as discursive strategies used to carry out legitimation of VAW. These were analysed in terms of underlying social beliefs prevailing in Colombian society. Dominant themes emerging from analysis of the sexual assault forums include: ‘“real” violence is more important’; ‘this incident was not a big deal’; ‘it’s her fault anyway’; and ‘she should have appreciated it’. These manifest the dominant strategies and structures of contrasts, minimisation, victim blaming, and romanticisation/sexualisation, respectively. Analysis of the wife-beating forums reveals the following themes: ‘this is not related to me’; ‘wife-beating is a private issue’; ‘domestic violence is normal and even important’; ‘it is the victim’s responsibility to change’; and ‘the victim deserves this violence’. Dominant strategies included respectively: distancing explanations and solutions, discourses of privacy, normalising violence, focusing on the victim, and victim blaming. The forum analyses illustrate how legitimation relates to Colombian culture and the topic of VAW. Numerous elements of culture and topic are used to criticise women’s agency and suggest that women ought to be passive and silent. In one culture-related example, the Colombian reiteration of violent events works to silence women’s stories about their experiences of VAW. Another strong element of culture is found in Colombian sayings and proverbs presenting a common knowledge discourse normalising VAW as romantic, sexual and necessary. Discourses used more universally to justify VAW include the idea that women belong in the private sphere and the psychopathologisation of women as attention-seeking and slutty. These elements work together to suggest that women are strong, sexual, and dangerous, needing violence from an authority to keep them uncomplaining and submissive. This work can inform future studies about discourse concerning VAW in Hispanic contexts, sketching in a little-studied disciplinary intersection. As this research participates in the aims of feminist critical discourse analysis, it is hoped that the present study will also be used for critical campaigns aimed at media specialists and educators so that they may create greater awareness and promote change, pointing out and discouraging these discourses legitimating violence against women in Colombia.

Univ., Diss.--Frankfurt am Main, 2003.

Submitted by VICTÓRIA SAYURI FREIRE DOS SANTOS KUDEKEN null (vick-sayuri@hotmail.com) on 2017-12-21T19:53:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Victória Sayuri Freire dos Santos Kudeken.pdf: 1378516 bytes, checksum: 3293e1e5d002f2713b235ff9d94d21f7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Minervina Teixeira Lopes null (vina_lopes@bauru.unesp.br) on 2017-12-22T11:55:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 kudeken_vsfs_me_bauru.pdf: 1365340 bytes, checksum: 02d88b3d4a2ccadad4928952bc119cac (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-22T11:55:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 kudeken_vsfs_me_bauru.pdf: 1365340 bytes, checksum: 02d88b3d4a2ccadad4928952bc119cac (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-10-30 / O presente estudo tem como objetivo compreender quais são alguns dos mecanismos de legitimação discursiva envolvidos nos processos comunicacionais do curso de Gestão da Qualidade e Segurança do paciente, oferecido pelo Hospital Israelita Albert Einstein (HIAE), na modalidade a distância para um público de profissionais da saúde. Desmembrando a análise em três momentos de configuração narrativa com o foco nos processos de legitimação discursiva, pretende-se responder a seguinte questão: quem discursa no ensino de saúde? Na primeira parte, foram analisados os possíveis discursivos do ensino em saúde, sendo estes o modelo de ensino por competências, a hierarquia no discurso médico e os saberes práticos da equipe de enfermagem. A segunda parte visualizou através dos objetos midiáticos e educacionais como os discursos se materializam no formato do curso. Já o terceiro momento, de refiguração narrativa, expõe o cenário comunicacional contemporâneo, como é construído um leitor/aluno modelo para o material educacional e como funcionam os processos de interação na narrativa do curso. / The present study aims to understand which are some of the mechanisms of discursive legitimation involved in the communicational processes of the Quality and Safety Management course, offered by Hospital Israelita Albert Einstein (HIAE), in distance modality for a professional public of health. Dismembering the analysis into three moments of narrative configuration with the focus on the processes of discursive legitimation, it is intended to answer the following question: who speaks in health education? In the first part, the possible discursives of health education were analyzed, being these the model of teaching by competences, the hierarchy in the medical discourse and the practical knowledge of the nursing. The second part visualized through the media and educational objects how the speeches materialize in the format of the course. The third moment, narrative refiguration, exposes the contemporary communication scenario, how a reader/student model is constructed for the educational material and how the interaction processes work in the course narrative.

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2017-10-25T16:33:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 JUVENILTO SOARES NASCIMENTO.pdf: 1497375 bytes, checksum: 4a4137345fa4ed77ae76dc3e1c1275a4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-25T16:33:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JUVENILTO SOARES NASCIMENTO.pdf: 1497375 bytes, checksum: 4a4137345fa4ed77ae76dc3e1c1275a4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-14 / This research investigates the intentions of the National High School Examination (ENEM) in contrast to both the forms of apprehension of cultural capital and the provisions of the game of classifications and declassifications by the school social agents, expressed by the discourses and strategies employed. For this, Bourdieu's method of praxiological knowledge was chosen, whose theory served as theoretical reference and support of data analysis. It was opportune, it was decided that the object of study should be observed in public schools of the same Federal Unit, which is why three middle schools of the Distrito Federal were selected, belonging to Administrative Regions whose socioeconomic conditions are different: High School (CEM) Piloto Plano, CEM Ceilândia and CEM Recanto das Emas. Aiming at a more effective field research, it was decided to diversify the instruments and strategies of data collection: direct observation, with the help of the field diary; application of questionnaires with open and closed questions; and interviews with semi-structured script. The investigation had a total of 281 respondents from the questionnaires - directors, teachers and students - among which 28 of these agents were interviewed. From the theoretical reference, the discussion dealt with the fundamental logic of the exams, which is to select and exclude; and unveiled some of the mechanisms that lead students from privileged classes to achieve a better performance in the Exam. This is because, besides incorporating in an "osmotic" way a favorable habitus in the school field, they can employ better strategies against the privileged capitals that they possess. The data collected were analyzed from the following categories: a) Acquisition of cultural capital; (b) reproduction and processing strategies; c) Legitimation and its forms; and d) Resistance. It was identified that three particular forms of legitimation of the Examination stand out: by the discourse, by the policies with social acceptance that were attached to it and by the "support" to the students. As for the policies linked to the ENEM, these have allowed some social advances, while at the same time reinforcing the legitimacy of the inequalities that still continue to operate by it. In turn, the results point out that contradictorily the school unit most affected by the rules of the Exam is the one that most legitimizes it. One of the factors that confirms this is the race issue. This unit, that of CEM Recanto das Emas, has 78% of blacks among its students, in contrast to 61% of CEM Plano Piloto and 76% of CEM Ceilândia. However, only 47% of its students approve racial quotas, compared to 65% of CEM Plano Piloto students' approval and 71% of CEM Ceilândia. Another factor that confirms more legitimacy for the most penalized school is the teacher evaluation of the ENEM selection form: 75% of the teachers participating in CEM Recanto das Emas consider it fair, while 50% of the CEM Plano Piloto teachers and 62, 5% of CEM Ceilândia teachers consider this. On the other hand, it should be pointed out that, although the school system is one of the State's reproductive instruments, the existence of discourses and resistance practices in the schools investigated suggests that it is possible to fight for a school system whose political-pedagogical orientation is beyond reproduction. / Esta pesquisa investiga as intencionalidades do Exame Nacional do Ensino Médio (ENEM) em contraste tanto com as formas de apreensão do capital cultural quanto com as disposições do jogo das classificações e desclassificações, pelos agentes sociais escolares, expressas pelos discursos e estratégias empregados. Para tal, elegeu-se o método do conhecimento praxiológico de Bourdieu, cuja teoria serviu como referencial teórico e suporte de análise dos dados. Por oportuno, optou-se que o objeto de estudo fosse observado em escolas públicas de uma mesma Unidade da Federação, razão pela qual foram selecionadas três escolas de ensino médio do Distrito Federal, pertencentes a Regiões Administrativas cujas condições socioeconômicas são distintas: o Centro de Ensino Médio (CEM) Plano Piloto, o CEM Ceilândia e o CEM Recanto das Emas. Visando a uma pesquisa de campo mais efetiva, decidiu-se pela diversificação dos instrumentos e estratégias de coleta de dados: observação direta, com o auxílio do diário de campo; aplicação de questionários com questões abertas e fechadas; e realização de entrevistas com roteiro semiestruturado. A investigação contou com o total de 281 respondentes dos questionários – diretores, professores e estudantes –, dentre os quais 28 desses agentes foram entrevistados. A partir do referencial teórico, a discussão tratou da lógica fundamental dos exames, que é selecionar e excluir; e desvelou alguns dos mecanismos que levam os estudantes oriundos de classes privilegiadas a alcançarem um melhor rendimento no Exame. Isso porque, além de incorporarem de maneira “osmótica” um habitus favorável no campo escolar, podem empregar melhores estratégias face aos capitais privilegiados que possuem. Efetuou-se a análise dos dados coletados a partir das seguintes categorias: a) Aquisição do capital cultural; b) Estratégias de reprodução e de transformação; c) Legitimação e suas formas; e d) Resistência. Identificou-se que se destacam três formas particulares de legitimação do Exame: pelo discurso, pelas políticas com aceitação social que se lhe atrelaram e pelo “suporte” aos estudantes. Quanto às políticas atreladas ao ENEM, essas permitiram alguns avanços sociais, ao mesmo tempo em que reforçaram a legitimação das desigualdades que ainda continuam operadas por ele. Por sua vez, os resultados apontam que contraditoriamente a unidade escolar mais prejudicada pelas regras do Exame é a que mais o legitima. Um dos fatores que confirma isso é a questão racial. Essa unidade, a do CEM Recanto das Emas, apresenta entre os seus estudantes o índice de 78% de negros, em contraste com 61% do CEM Plano Piloto e 76% do CEM Ceilândia. No entanto, apenas 47% de seus estudantes aprovam as cotas raciais, frente aos 65% de aprovação dos estudantes do CEM Plano Piloto e 71% do CEM Ceilândia. Outro fator que confirma maior legitimação pela escola mais penalizada é a avaliação docente da forma de seleção do ENEM: 75% dos professores participantes do CEM Recanto das Emas a consideram justa, ao passo em que 50% dos professores do CEM Plano Piloto e 62,5% dos professores do CEM Ceilândia assim a consideram. Por outro lado, destaca-se que, embora o sistema escolar seja um dos instrumentos de reprodução do Estado, a existência de discursos e práticas de resistência nas escolas investigadas aponta ser possível sim lutar por um sistema escolar cuja orientação político-pedagógica seja para além da reprodução.

L'objectif de cette thèse est d'étudier le rôle des processus sociaux de légitimation sous-jacents au développement local des filiales de firmes multinationales (FMN) dans des environnements lointains du siège. Notre thèse explore la façon dont les filiales tentent de modérer les pressions simultanées issues de leur environnement d'accueil et de leur environnement organisationnel. À partir d'un cadre théorique institutionnaliste fondé sur une littérature pluridisciplinaire. nous étudions la nature des processus de légitimation de huit filiales de banques étrangères en Inde un contexte caractérisé par une forte «Liability of Foreignness» (i.e. LOF : handicap du fait d'être étranger). Nous identifions ensuite les pratiques organisationnelles mobilisées afin de réduire les tensions entre le «central» et le «local». Nos résultats suggèrent que les stratégies de légitimation des filiales -passives (isomorphisme, transfert), réactive (lobbying politique) et proactive (rhétorique)- varient avec le degré d'exposition à la LOF et l'intensité des pressions internes: certaines filiales recherchent un « ancrage local» prononcé tandis que d'autres filiales utilisent plutôt «l'ancrage mondial» en s'appuyant sur la légitimité du siège. Dans un second temps, la thèse développe une estimation de la performance organisationnelle d'une filiale de FMN, en lien avec son processus de légitimation dans l'environnement d'accueil. Les résultats suggèrent qu’un niveau« d'ancrage local» élevé est associé positivement à la performance externe de la filiale et négativement à sa performance interne, ce qui conduit la filiale et le siège à opérer des arbitrages entre performance externe et interne. / The aim of this thesis is to study the role of social processes of legitimation underlying MNE subsidiaries' loci development in distant environments from the headquarters. Our thesis explores how subsidiaries attempt to mitigat simultaneous pressures from both their host and their organizational environments. Using an institutionalist theoretical framework based on a multidisciplinary literature, we investigate the nature of the legitimation processes for eight subsidiaries of foreign banks in India, a context characterized by a strong «Liability of Foreignness» (i.e. LOF). We the identify the organisational practices mobilised in order to decrease the «central/local» tensions. Our results suggest that subsidiaries' legitimation strategies -passive (isomorphism, transference), reactive (political lobbying) and proactive (rhetoric)- vary along with their degree of exposure to the LOF and according to the intensity of internal pressures the face: certain subsidiaries seek a deeper “local anchoring” while other subsidiaries rely more on a “world anchoring” benefitting from the headquarters' legitimacy. In a second development, this thesis sketches an estimate of the organisational performance of an MNE subsidiary in relation to its legitimation process in the host environment. Our results suggest that a higher level of local anchoring' is associated positively with a subsidiary's external performance and negatively with its internal performance. This leads the subsidiary and the headquarters to arbitrage between external and internal performance.

L’objectif de cette thèse est d’étudier, sous un angle sociologique, la nouvelle pratique de mesure de la performance des entreprises en matière de développement durable. Cette pratique émergente constitue un espace social où s’articulent divers jeux de pouvoir, de confrontation et de résistance de nombre d’acteurs engagés dans le domaine du développement durable. Le premier article présume que l’analyse du discours, socialement construit et constitué, entourant les mesures produites et diffusées (souvent très médiatisées), joue un rôle fondamental dans la compréhension de ladite pratique. En particulier, le discours transmis par les organismes de mesure de la performance socio-environnementale des entreprises, aussi bien dans leurs sites web que dans leurs documents publics, se trouve à promouvoir une idéologie du chiffre qui sous-tend l’exercice d’un certain pouvoir de type disciplinaire sur les entreprises évaluées. En dépit de toutes les ambiguïtés et les incertitudes méthodologiques associées à la pratique de la mesure socio-environnementale, les organismes de mesure s’efforcent de développer et de transmettre un discours, relativement réducteur, pour légitimer leur revendication d’expertise en la matière. Le deuxième article de cette thèse fait état des stratégies de légitimation déployées par les organismes de mesure ainsi que leurs effets disciplinaires sur les entreprises évaluées et les parties prenantes. Il s’agit, dans les faits, du pouvoir disciplinaire et de normalisation de l’idéologie des chiffres qui peut induire certains effets d’autodiscipline dans le champ du développement durable en général. Une telle autodiscipline s’observe également dans le monde universitaire lorsque les gardes-frontières des organisations font pression sur les chercheurs à renoncer à la publication de leurs recherches. Prenant la forme d’une étude méthodologique, le troisième article de la thèse cherche à susciter une réflexion sur les entraves que peut poser le pouvoir des gardiens des organisations, notamment lorsque celui prend la forme de menaces de poursuites judiciaires, sur l’indépendance et la liberté des chercheurs et des universités auxquelles ils se rattachent. / The objective of this dissertation is to examine, under a sociological lens, the new practice of the corporate sustainability performance measurement. This emerging practice seems to be a social space where are structured various games of power, confrontation and resistance of many actors involved in the field of sustainable development. The first paper assumes that discourse analysis, socially constructed and constituted, surrounding measurements produced and disclosed (often highly popularized through the media), plays a fundamental role in the understanding of the practice of corporate sustainability performance measurement. In particular, the discourse transmitted by the sustainability ratings and rankings agencies (SRRA), both on their websites and in their public documents, tends to promote an ideology of numbers that exerts disciplinary power over companies appraised. Despite all the ambiguities and methodological uncertainties associated with the practice of socio-environmental performance measurement, SRRA strive to develop and transmit discourse, quite reductive, to legitimize their claim to expertise in the field. The second paper of this dissertation outlines the legitimation strategies deployed by SRRA and the disciplinary impacts of these strategies on companies scrutinized and stakeholders. Actually, it is the disciplinary power and the normalization power of the ideology of numbers which can induce some effects of self-discipline in the field of sustainable development in general. Such self-discipline is also observed in the academic world when corporate gate-keepers put pressure on researchers to abandon the publication of their research. As a methodological study, the third paper of the dissertation seeks to stimulate reflection on the impediments that the power of the corporate gate-keepers can pose on the independence and the freedom of the researchers and the universities to which they are attached, especially in the case of threats of lawsuits.

L’impôt joue un rôle important dans les relations de pouvoir en Judée aux époques hellénistiques et romaines, non seulement par son poids économique, mais aussi et surtout par ses aspects idéologiques. Car imposer une population revient à s’en prétendre maître. Or, en Judée, une première lecture des sources laisse croire que beaucoup voyaient d’un mauvais œil le tribut étranger, alors que le temple de Jérusalem prélevait déjà des impôts censés revenir à Dieu, seul véritable maître d’Israël. Un examen plus attentif montre l’aspect polémique de cette déclaration : cette opposition dialectique entre les prélèvements du temple et ceux revenant aux étrangers est une construction idéologique, dont le but est de fournir une légitimation de l’opposition politique. Apparue à l’époque des Maccabées et participant à l’argumentation théologique de leur soulèvement, cette rhétorique se repère, avec quelques variations, dans chaque mouvement contestataire jusqu’à Bar Kokhba. Mais les sources dissimulent quelques indications qui montrent que tous ne partagent pas cette vue, et que dans les faits, l’offrande n’est pas plus joyeusement payée que le tribut. L’objet de cette thèse est de mettre en avant cette construction représentationnelle en la confrontant aux données brutes, et d’en souligner les implications sociales, économiques, financières et politiques, depuis la conquête de la Judée par Antiochos III jusqu’à la disparition de la province de Judée en 135 apr. J. C. / Taxes are important matters for understanding relations of power in Hellenistic and Roman Judaea, not only because of its economic burden, but above all because of its ideological sides: to tax a population means to pretend being its master. In Judaea, a first look to the sources let believe that many saw with a bad eye the foreign tribute, while the temple of Jerusalem exacted some revenues supposed to return to God, the sole proper master of Israel. However, a close examination proves the polemical sides of such a declaration: this dialectical opposition between the revenues of the shrine and the ones returning to foreigners is an ideological construction, whose purpose is to furnish a legitimation to the political opposition. Appeared at the time of the Maccabean uprising and used for theologically founding the war, this rhetorical instrument is visible, with some variations, in each protest movement until Bar Kokhba. But the sources hide some indications that let see that not everyone shared this view, and that, in the facts, the “offering” is not more cheerfully paid that the “tribute”. The purpose of the present dissertation is to underline the social, economical, financial and political implications of this representational construction, since the conquest of Judaea by Antiochos III, until the disappearance of the Judaea in 135 C.E.

The subject of the dissertation is The fundamental precept as instrument of materialization of the fundamental rights: for a legitimating perspective of the Democratic State of Right". The development of the present study seeks to present the effects that an interpretation concretizadora of the concept of fundamental precept, of the list of having legitimated and of the principle of the subsidiariedade in noncompliance´s arguing of fundamental precept can check in a perspective of legitimating the Brazilian State.The analysis seeks to approach, inside of the limits planed previously, some of the most controversial aspects of the Law no. 9.882/99. The general objective of this dissertation is to attest the property of noncompliance s arguing of fundamental precept as an instrument of popular access to the concentrated jurisdiction of the Supreme Federal Tribunal in defense of the fundamental rights. To this end, the deductive method was used in the delimitation of the concept of fundamental precept, of the elements that compose it, with more detained analysis in the fundamental rights and at the principle of the human person's dignity. Inside of the inductive method, the study proceeds in the understanding of the people concept and of its importance as titular of the state power. Like this, the legitimating base of the State passes referring to the people concept, in a wide and including dimension to Friedrich Müller's way, everything based on the subject introduced in the only paragraph of the art. 1st of the Federal Constitution, that lifts the fact of whole power emanates from the people, that exercises it by means of its elect representatives or directly, in the terms of the Constitution. The study moves forward, then, in the understanding of the function of the judiciary as defender of the fundamental precepts, notedly, the fundamental rights, regarding the characterist of substancialist republic present in Brazil, where the attendance of the social longings justifies a change of the almost absolute theory of the separation of the powers. The positive base of the assertive has supporting, concerning the thematic discussed, in the competence of the Supreme Federal Tribunal as guard of the Constitution,according to the art. 102 of the Federal Constitution. Later on, the attention returns to the theory of the materialization of Müller, a theory that gets the creative activity of the interpreter guided by the program of the norm and for the reality (for the context), seeking to present method and road insurances to understand the list of having legitimated to question violation to fundamental precept and to the principle of the subsidiariedade, uncertain juridical concepts, lacking of complementation for they be applied. The materialization method, in that line, is used as important procedure to avoid the judicial activism and the outrage. To the end, after the analysis of the theoretical and jurisprudential bases more important, and consolidating all the foundations fanned previously, it is advanced about the demarcation of those legitimated to impetrate the noncompliance`s arguing of fundamental precept and of the principle of subsidiariedade applied to this, being supplied position guided by a wide legitimacy, pondered by the filter of transcendency, and for the understanding that the principle of the subsidiariedade should have in mind the ineffectiveness of the actions of the diffuse and concentrated control of constitutionality. / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O tema da dissertação é: O preceito fundamental como instrumento de concretização dos direitos fundamentais: por uma perspectiva legitimante do Estado Democrático de Direito . O desenvolvimento deste estudo visa apresentar os efeitos que uma interpretação concretizadora do conceito de preceito fundamental, do rol de legitimados e do princípio da subsidiariedade em sede de argüição de descumprimento de preceito fundamental pode conferir numa perspectiva de legitimar o Estado brasileiro. A análise visa abordar, dentro dos limites traçados anteriormente, alguns dos aspectos mais controversos da Lei nº 9.882/99. O objetivo geral desta dissertação é atestar a propriedade da argüição de descumprimento de preceito fundamental como um instrumento de acesso popular à jurisdição concentrada do Supremo Tribunal Federal em defesa dos direitos fundamentais. Para este fim, foi utilizado o método dedutivo na delimitação do conceito de preceito fundamental, dos elementos que o compõem, com análise mais detida nos direitos fundamentais e no princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana. Dentro do método indutivo, o estudo segue na compreensão do conceito de povo e de sua importância como titular do poder estatal. Desta forma, a base legitimatória do Estado passa a se referir ao conceito de povo, numa dimensão ampla e abrangente à moda de Friedrich Müller, tudo com base na disciplina carreada no parágrafo único do art. 1º da Constituição Federal, que levanta o fato de que todo o poder emana do povo, que o exerce por meio de seus representantes eleitos, ou diretamente, nos termos da Constituição. O estudo avança, então, na compreensão da função do judiciário como defensor dos preceitos fundamentais, notadamente, os direitos fundamentais, considerando a característica de república substancialista presente no Brasil, onde o atendimento dos anseios sociais justifica uma mudança da quase absoluta teoria da separação dos poderes. A base positiva da assertiva tem sustentação, no tocante à temática discutida, na competência do Supremo Tribunal Federal como guarda da Constituição, conforme o art. 102 da Constituição Federal. Posteriormente, a atenção se volta à teoria da concretização de Müller, uma teoria que preconiza a atividade criativa do intérprete guiada pelo programa da norma e pela realidade (pelo contexto), visando apresentar método e caminho seguros para compreender o rol de legitimados a questionar violação a preceito fundamental e ao princípio da subsidiariedade, conceitos jurídicos indeterminados carentes de complementação para serem aplicados. O método de concretização, nessa linha, é utilizado como importante procedimento para se evitar o ativismo judicial e a arbitrariedade. Ao fim, depois da análise das bases teóricas e jurisprudenciais mais importantes, e consolidando todos os fundamentos aventados anteriormente, avança-se sobre a demarcação dos legitimados a manusear a argüição de descumprimento de preceito fundamental e do princípio da subsidiariedade aplicado a esta, fornecendo-se posição orientada por uma legitimidade ampla, ponderada pelo filtro da transcendência, e pelo entendimento de que o princípio da subsidiariedade deve ter em vista a inefetividade das ações do controle difuso e concentrado de constitucionalidade.