[pt] A paz liberal é um projeto político cujas tradições remontam ao conjunto de ideias que compõem o liberalismo. Ela representa o modelo pelo qual o ocidente se propõe a uniformizar o mundo através da democracia e de réplicas de instituições, normas e sistemas econômicos, sociais e políticos. Assim, pensar em tal projeto implica pensar também em seus aspectos práticos e na sua implementação. A paz liberal foi escolhida como objeto de estudo da dissertação porque, na medida em que se traduz em uma relação hierárquica baseada em interesses, acarreta em uma série de exclusões e marginalizações, uma vez instaurada através de uma operação de peacebuilding. A presente pesquisa procura entender quais as suas reais motivações, através da busca por qual seu objeto referente de fato: o indivíduo do país receptor ou o estado mandante? Para ilustrar tal reflexão, foi conduzida uma investigação através de um estudo de caso da missão de peacebuilding no Afeganistão, e como a questão da produção vertiginosa do ópio em tal país, que cresceu após a entrada de tais operações, pode indicar uma resposta acerca de qual o objeto referente de fato da paz liberal pós 11/9. / [en] The liberal peace is a political project rooted in the set of ideas and values that sustain liberalism as an ideology. It represents a model through which the west gauges the world by bringing in democracy and by replicating institutions, norms and economic, social and political systems. Thinking about such project implies that there are practical and implementation aspects that cannot be ignored. Liberal peace has been chosen as the theme of this dissertation because it is about a hierarchical relationship between North and South that produces exclusions and marginalizations that happen through peacebuilding operations. This research aims to understand what the real motivations behind the liberal peace project are, by seeking which is its real referent object: the individual who lives in the state being intervened or the western countries national securities? In order to illustrate the findings for such questions, this research has carried out a case study focused on NATO s operations in Afghanistan and the concurring vertiginous growth of opium production in the country. This will lead us to understand what the real referent object behind the liberal peace project after 9/11 is.

This study aims to assess the Swedish national value framework (Svenska statliga värdegrunden) in light of liberal multicultural theory, with a particular focus on the perceived conflict between theoretical principles and actual political practices, exemplified by Swedish authorities' participation in Stockholm Pride. To achieve this, an ideological analysis applies three contemporary liberal multicultural theories to evaluate the alignment of the Swedish national value framework with these theories. The subsequent examination of Swedish authorities' involvement in Stockholm Pride seeks to determine whether such participation is endorsed or discouraged by the identified theoretical framework. The analysis supports a fundamental premise of this study – that state authorities' active support for LGBTQ+ rights and participation in Stockholm Pride is not only acceptable but also encouraged by liberal multicultural theory. Importantly, this endorsement does not compromise the principles of state neutrality integral to liberal ideals.

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This thesis focuses on liberal peace building in the DRC. The thesis takes a critical approach which emphasises local agencies and their engagements with liberal peace building. However, it seeks to bring this critique back to the institutions with which liberal peace building is preoccupied, by focusing on the hidden local that operates within these institutions. This approach seeks to give new meaning to processes of institution building without rendering institutions irrelevant as a top-down approach. Focusing on the first legislature of the Congolese Third Republic (2006-2011) this thesis provides a case study of how local agencies consume liberal democracy within the National Assembly, and make it their own. It discusses current liberal peace building practices as a process of mutual disengagement, in which both the local and liberal intervention seek to disengage from each other. Although this results in a lack of legitimacy of the peace building project both locally as well as with liberal interventions, it also creates hybrid space in which local agencies consume liberal democracy. The thesis conceptualises these local agencies as being convivial, in other words, they are enabled by people's relations. The thesis therefore focuses on MPs relations with their electorate, as well as with the executive and other MPs in their party or ruling coalition. In through these interactions local agencies consume liberal democracy – it is accepted, rejected, diverted, substituted, etc. The thesis concludes that through these practices of consumption local agencies negotiate liberal democracy. The liberal democratic framework is kept intact, but it is not enabled to function as foreseen, because local agencies are responsive to a moral matrix of the father-family. However, the liberal democratic framework itself provides new tools through which local agencies also renegotiate the unwritten rules of the moral matrix of the father-family.

The main purpose of this research was to understand the civil war in Sierra Leone and its antecedents, and to analyse the package of reconstruction reforms which came along in the post-war era and their relevance for and impact on the local challenges for longer term peace. Continued corruption among the political class, the persistent disenfranchisement of important social groups, and emerging tensions along political party lines suggested that, ten years on from the Lomé Peace Accord, there may have been a malaise in the peacebuilding plan. To investigate the complex issues, and to support the hypothesis that the model for reconstruction was not best suited to local conditions and local priorities, the work first made a deep interrogation of the historic political, cultural and economic factors which led to the violent conflict. This scrutiny of the local experience allowed the conceptualisation of a germane 'framework for peace' which represented the most pressing priorities of the local community and the central challenges for peace. The framework reflected the main concerns of the local populace and was used as an analytical tool to better understand the relevance of the model for reconstruction vis-à-vis the local context. Through a critical analysis of the post-war reforms and their impact on the social dimensions of recovery, in particular macro-economic reforms and the promotion of democracy, conclusions were drawn about the appropriateness and efficacy of the model of reconstruction experienced in Sierra Leone and how it supported local priorities for peace. The enquiry found that, in general, the model for reconstruction was not best suited to the local context because of its inflexibility to support the local peacebuilding and its many challenges. In some ways the model for reconstruction heightened residual tensions from the conflict because it failed to address key issues for reform such as governance and social justice.

The Kantian Triangle of democratic institutions, IGOs, and economic interdependence has received a great deal of attention by international relations scholars. This project expands on liberal theory by arguing the pacific effects of the Kantian Triangle extend beyond dyadic context, and shapes state decision making on defense spending decisions. This project asserts that as states (1) build democratic institutions, (2) increase the number of memberships in international intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), and (3) exposes domestic markets to the global economy and subsequent interdependence on foreign markets for both imports and exports, they are less likely to allocate resources toward the military. To test this argument I employ both quantitative and qualitative methods. I first utilize a pooled time series data set of all states from 1960-2000. I then examine the case of Brazil and its relationship with the Kantian Triangle and subsequent military planning decisions. I conclude that there is mixed evidence to support the notion that the Kantian Triangle reduces military spending. I establish that while democracies reduce military spending, consolidated democracies enjoy no additional benefit in military spending. However, the longer states are democracies the more likely they are to reduce spending, and if they have electoral systems based on consensus designs. I find that IGO memberships reduce military spending, however, the bulk of influence IGOs have on military spending decisions are retained by security focused organizations. Lastly, I find that international trade and overall economic globalization increases military spending, while regional trade decreases it. In all the Kantian Triangle has a substantial influence on military spending, yet it is clear from this project that this influence is not universal among all elements of the Kantian Triangle, and that the liberal influences are not completely pacific.

<p>This paper examines the ideological content of the compulsory school policy of the Swedish Liberal Party. The aim of the study is to investigate whether the Liberal Party does really represent a liberal policy for the compulsory school, or if it is more accurately described as conservative. The analysis is carried through by two separate critical examinations of the Liberal Party motion on school politics to the parliament and the Conservative Party motion on school politics to the parliament respectively. A comparison is then made between the ideological contents of the two documents. The specific party policies are linked to universal definitions of liberalism and conservatism with the help of an analytical tool consistent of a series of educational philosophies. Difference is made between ideologically motivated purposes and concrete policy recommendations in the motion texts.</p><p>The results of the ideological content analyses and the comparison show that the compulsory school policy of the Liberal Party can be categorized as conservative, not only vis-à-vis a universal definition of liberalism and conservatism, but also in comparison with the compulsory school policy of the Conservative Party.</p>