The formation of the Liberal Party of Australia in the mid-1940s heralded a new effort to stem the tide of government regulation that had grown with Labor Party rule in the latter years of World War II and immediately after. It was not until 1949 that the party gained office at Federal level, beginning what was to be a record unbroken term of 23 years, but its efforts faltered at State level in Victoria, where the party was divided, and in New South Wales, where Labor was seemingly entrenched. The fortunes were reversed with the rise to leadership of men who bore a different stamp to their predecessors, and were in many ways atypical Liberals: Henry Bolte in Victoria and Robin Askin in New South Wales. Bolte, a farmer, and Askin, a bank officer, had served as non-commissioned officers in World War II and rose to lead parties whose members who had served in the war were predominantly of the officer class. In each case, their man management skills put an end to division and destabilisation in their parties, and they went on to serve record terms as Liberal leaders in their respective States, Bolte 1955-72 and Askin 1965-75. Neither was ever challenged in their leadership and each chose the time and nature of his departure from politics, a rarity among Australian political leaders. Their careers are traced here in the context of the Liberal revival and the heightened expectations of the post-war years when the Liberal Party reached an ascendancy, governing for a brief time in 1969-70 in all Australian States as well as the Commonwealth. Their leadership is also examined in the broader context of leadership in the Liberal Party, and also in the ways in which the new party sought to engage with and appeal to a wider range of voters than had traditionally been attracted to the non-Labor parties.

<p>The study argues that implicit in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the principle of immigration as human rights is supported by principle of positive freedom, negative freedom, and equal autonomy. The study endorses a liberal egalitarian perspective by claiming that human right to immigrate promotes equal autonomy. The study also investigates why the principle of immigration as a human right has been dismissed by doctrines within Liberalism. It argues that a state lacks a legitimacy to employ a principle of national self-determination against the immigration issue. Instead, a state has a moral obligation to the protection of a human right to immigrate; it also has a duty to provide equal social rights to the immigrants in compared with those of the citizens.</p>

The study argues that implicit in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the principle of immigration as human rights is supported by principle of positive freedom, negative freedom, and equal autonomy. The study endorses a liberal egalitarian perspective by claiming that human right to immigrate promotes equal autonomy. The study also investigates why the principle of immigration as a human right has been dismissed by doctrines within Liberalism. It argues that a state lacks a legitimacy to employ a principle of national self-determination against the immigration issue. Instead, a state has a moral obligation to the protection of a human right to immigrate; it also has a duty to provide equal social rights to the immigrants in compared with those of the citizens.

No description available.

This dissertation evaluates the recent academic consensus on liberal multiculturalism. I argue that this apparent consensus, by subsuming religious experience under the general category of culture, has rested upon undefended and contestable conceptions of modern religious life. In the liberal multicultural literature, cultures are primarily identified as sharing certain ethnic, linguistic, or geographic attributes, which is to say morally arbitrary particulars that can be defended without raising the possibility of conflict over metaphysical beliefs. In such theories, the possibility of conflict due to diverse religious principles or claims to the transcendent is either steadfastly ignored or, more typically, explained away as the expression of perverted religious faith. I argue that this conception of the relation between culture and religion fails to provide an account of liberal multiculturalism that is persuasive to religious believers on their own terms. To illustrate this failing, I begin with an examination of the Canadian policy of official multiculturalism and the constitutional design of Pierre Trudeau. I argue that the resistance of Québécois nationalists to liberal multiculturalism, as well as the conflict between the Québécois and minority religious groups within Quebec, has been animated by religious and quasi-religious claims to the transcendent. I maintain that to truly confront this basic problem of religious difference, one must articulate and defend the substantive visions of religious life that are implicit in liberal multicultural theory. To this end, I contrast the portrait of religious life and secularization that is implicit in Will Kymlicka’s liberal theory of minority rights with the recent account of modern religious life presented by Charles Taylor. I conclude by suggesting that Kymlicka’s and Taylor’s contrasting conceptions of religious difference—which are fundamentally at odds regarding the relation of the right to the good, and the diversity and nature of genuine religious belief—underline the extent to which liberal multicultural theory has reached an academic consensus only by ignoring the reality of religious diversity. / text

Various writers, for example Rudolf Bahro and Arne Naess, have for a long time associated Green politics with an impulse toward deepening democracy. Robert Goodin has further suggested that decentralisation of political authority is an inherent characteristic of Green politics. More recently in New Zealand, speculation has been raised by Stephen Rainbow as to the consequences of the direct democratic impulse for existing representative institutions. This research addresses that question. Examination of the early phase of Green political parties in New Zealand has found that the Values Party advocated institutional restructuring oriented toward decentralisation of political authority in order to enable a degree of local autonomy, and particpatory democracy. As time has gone on the Values Party disappeared and with it went the decentralist impulse, this aspect of Green politics being conspicuously absent in the policy of Green Party Aotearoa/New Zealand, the successor to the Values Party. Since this feature was regarded as synonymous with Green politics, a certain re-definition of Green politics as practised by Green political parties is evident. This point does not exhaust the contribution Green politics makes to democracy however, and the methodology used in this research, critical discourse analysis (CDA), allows an insight into what Douglas Torgerson regards as the benefits in resisting the antipolitical tendency of modernity, of politics for its own sake. This focusses attention on stimulating public debate on fundamental issues, in terms of an ideology sufficiently at variance with that prevalent such that it threatens to disrupt the hegemonic dominance of the latter, thereby contributing to what Ralf Dahrendorf describes as a robust democracy. In this regard Green ideology has much to contribute, but this aspect is threatened by the ambition within the Green Party in New Zealand toward involvement in coalition government. The final conclusion is that the Green Party in New Zealand has followed the trend of those overseas and since 1990 has moved ever closer to a commitment to the institutions of centralised, representative, liberal democracy and this, if taken too far, threatens their ideological integrity.

Thesis (B.A.(Hons.)) -- University of Adelaide, 1978. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 100-102).

Studier visar att konsumenter föredrar företag som är ansvarstagande och kan välja att bojkotta företag som inte uppvisar en god hållbarhetsrapportering. Dock visar viss forskning att för mycket rapportering om hållbarhetsarbete kan få negativa konsekvenser, exempelvis ökad skepticism hos intressenterna. Denna studie har fokuserat på hur företag använder begreppen commitment to eller committed to i hållbarhetsrapporter. Studiens syfte var att analysera om medieexponering påverkar användandet av commitment och detta testadesgenom en regressionsanalys. Dessutom syftade studien att analysera om det finns en skillnad i commitment och vad företag committar sig till mellan olika marknadsekonomier. Detta testades genom ett flertal t2-test. Urvalet bestod av hållbarhetsrapporter från 214 företag, varav 88 europeiska och 126 amerikanska som tidigare sammanställts i Centrum för forskning om ekonomiska relationers (CER:s) CSR-databas. Resultatet visade ett positivt signifikant samband mellan medieexponering och commitment samt en skillnad i commitment mellanolika marknadsekonomier. Det fanns en svag signifikant skillnad för commitment beträffande samhällsansvar, men resterande kategorier som studerats uppvisade ingen skillnad. / Studies show that consumers prefer responsible companies and will boycott those who will not present good corporate social responsibility. However, some research show that too much communication about CSR can have negative consequences, e.g. increased scepticism among stakeholders. This study has been focusing on how companies use commitment to or committed to in CSR-reports. The aim of the study was to analyse if media exposure affects the use of commitment and this was tested with a regression analysis. Furthermore, the aim of this study was also to analyse if a difference in commitment existed between marketeconomies and if there were any difference in what those companies are committed to. This was tested with several t-tests. The sample consisted of CSR-reports from 214 companies, of which 88 where European and 126 American. The reports were collected earlier in a database from Centre for research on economic relations (CER). The result showed a positive significant connection between media exposure and commitment and that there was a positive significant difference between difference between market economies. There was a weaksignificant difference in commitment to society between the market economies, but the rest of categories that was studied did not show any difference.

During the spring of 2014 two midwives in Sweden were denied work because they refused to perform abortion on the grounds of their religious beliefs. Shortly after the health authorities were sued for discrimination. The purpose of this study is to examine whether there should be room for exemptions based on one’s conscience in a neutral liberal state. This essay applies Cécile Labordes theory of individual exceptions and liberal justices on the midwives’ case in Sweden to perform this purpose. Should, or could, they have been exempted from performing abortion and thus be allowed to work as midwives? This essay’s analysis demonstrates that the current case is not compatible with justice and there is thus no room for exemptions on a national level. However, there should be space for exemptions for cases that are compatible with justice, in order for all citizens in a pluralistic society to live in accordance with their own conception of the good.

A inclusão da função social da propriedade no texto constitucional brasileiro, está em consoância com a passagem do Estado Liberal ao Estado Social. A função social deve ser analisada, portanto, no sentido de garantir faticamente as liberdades e igualdades garantidas apenas juridicamente pelo Estado Liberal. O Estado Social é uma evolução em relação ao Estado Liberal, mas ele o pressupõe. A função social não tranformou a propriedade, em direito-função, mas impôs um equilíbrio entre posições jurídicas que garantem, a partir de direitos e interesses contrários, esferas de liberade colidentes. Uma análise comparativa entre o direito alemão e o direito brasileiro, nesse sentido, mostra-se relevante ao exame dos enunciados normativos referentes a função social e a propriedade, sob a perspectiva do discurso jurídico. No âmbito dos direitos fundamentais, juízos são corretos apenas se puderem ser o resultado de uma ponderação corretamente realizada. A teoria ampla do tipo legal, no presente estudo, relacionada tanto ao direito de propriedade quanto ao de função social, permite, a partir do exame das condições concretas que foram consideradas à época, a análise da ponderação realizada pelo constituinte, quando da restrição dos enunciados normativos na CF/88, a partir da fixação das regras estabelecidas nos artigos 182 e 186. É possível também uma averiguação acerca da questão da igualdade como um critério independente de ponderação, ante a sua estrutura de direito geral de igualdade. / The inclusion of the social function of property in the Brazilian constitutional text is in line with the transition from the Liberal State to the Welfare State. The social function must be analyzed, therefore, in the sense of guaranteeing the freedoms and equality only guaranteed judicially by the Liberal State. The Welfare State is an evolution in relation to the Liberal State, but it presages it. The social function did not transform property, in right-function, but imposed a balance between legal positions that guarantee conflicting spheres of liberty from conflicting rights and interests. A comparative analysis between German law and Brazilian law, in this sense, is relevant to the examination of normative statements referring to social function and property, from the perspective of legal discourse theory. In the scope of fundamental rights, judgments are only correct if they can be the result of a properly balancing consideration. The theory of broad legal type, in the present study, related to both the property right and the social function, allows, from the examination of the concrete conditions that were considered at the time, the analysis of the balancing performed by the constituent, when restricting the statements Normative in CF/88, from the establishment of the rules disposed in the articles 182 and 186. It is also possible to inquire about the question of equality as an independent criterion of balancing, given its structure of general equality law.