Previous research has indicated that literary skills performance in reading and writing for middle school students has declined. There remains an important gap in the current literature regarding the decline in literary skills, which is a good predictor of the potential for students to drop out of school. The goal of this study was to determine if the use of self-evaluation influences students' writing ability and their attitudes toward writing. Using a quasi-experimental nonequivalent control group design, and over the course of 10 weeks, the researcher administered a writing pre- and posttest, as well as a pre- and posttest Writing Attitude Survey (WAS) to 70 gifted Grade 7 students. Two classes formed the experimental group, and 2 classes formed the control group. Students in the first group participated in focused self-evaluation instruction and practice. A pre- and postwriting test patterned after the Georgia Grade 8 Writing Assessment was assessed with a standardized writing rubric, and the WAS provided the quantitative data. ANCOVA and an independent sample t test compared the average change from pretest score to posttest score between the groups in overall writing score, ideas, style, organization, and conventions. They showed a level of significance. A Cramer's V compared the average change from pretest survey score to posttest survey score between the groups in the areas of gender, ethnicity, and group. It showed a statistically significant difference. Findings from this study may directly influence the increased use of self-evaluation across language arts, as well as other content area subjects.

A bibliografia comumente apresenta a Revolução Liberal de 1842, em São Paulo e Minas Gerais, ora como dois eventos similares, mas não exatamente articulados, ora como uma rebelião única, mas sem objetivos claros e condições reais de sucesso. Em ambos os casos o movimento é encarado como pontual e fruto da ambição por poder de um grupo social abastado. No entanto, a reconstituição da trama política e militar nas províncias de São Paulo e Minas Gerais, nesse período, oferece entendimentos diversos e subsídios para pensar a prática política e a formação do Estado Nacional no Brasil da primeira metade do século XIX. Conflitos de interesse, perspectivas locais em busca de espaço político além dos limites provinciais, envolvimento significativo de cidadãos, embate entre projetos políticos são alguns dos elementos presentes no movimento armado de 1842. Tendo como ponto central o longo desenrolar da guerra entre o acirramento dos ânimos e a anistia dos rebeldes , este trabalho procura dar nova reconfiguração às relações de força e interesses existentes nos anos finais da Regência e iniciais do Segundo Reinado, particularmente entre 1838 e 1844. Por fim, pretende-se problematizar a emergência e as implicações dos confrontos armados, em especial no tocante às articulações das províncias com o governo central, explicitando-se os grupos em conflito e seus projetos, bem como aprofundar a reflexão a respeito da política imperial nessa época. / The literature commonly presents the Liberal Revolution of 1842 in São Paulo and Minas Gerais, either as two similar events though not exactly articulated or as a single rebellion, but without clear goals and actual conditions of success. In both situations, the movement is seen as timely and fruit of greed for power from a wealthy social group. However, the reconstitution of political and military plot in the provinces of São Paulo and Minas Gerais of that period, offers different understandings and subsidies to think over the political practice and the formation of the Nation-State in Brazil during the first half of the nineteenth century. Conflicts of interest, local perspectives in search of political space beyond the provincial boundaries, meaningful involvement of citizens and the clash of political projects are some of the elements in the armed movement of 1842. With a focus over the course of the war - between the sharpening of minds and amnesty for rebels - this paper aims to give new reconfiguration to the relation between power and interests in the final years of the Regency and the early Second Empire, particularly between 1838 and 1844. Finally, we intend to discuss the emergence and implications of armed clashes, especially in relation to the joining of the provinces with the central government, explaining the conflicting groups and their projects, and deepen the discussion about the imperial policy at that time.

Nosso objetivo, nesta dissertação, é analisar a partir de uma metodologia empírico-indutiva com foco na descrição e na interpretação de dados linguísticos rumo a uma crítica sociodiscursiva a polêmica travada nas mídias online entre conservadores e liberais acerca da imigração Sul-Sul, motivada por uma declaração do deputado federal Jair Bolsonaro (2015), que qualificava esse conjunto de imigrantes como a escória do mundo. Tal polêmica se estendeu ao longo de dez textos, em um corpus composto por uma variedade de gêneros dentre os quais destacamos reportagens, artigos, editoriais e vídeos na plataforma YouTube. O arcabouço teórico central da pesquisa consiste nos Estudos Críticos do Discurso (Fairclough, 2003; Melo, 2012; van Dijk, 2014; Gonçalves-Segundo, 2018a), uma abordagem multidisciplinar voltada ao exame da dimensão semiótica de problemas sociais. Em termos de convergência teórica, procedeu-se a um diálogo com os estudos sociais, históricos e antropológicos sobre a imigração, com a Linguística Cognitiva e, especialmente, com a Teoria da Argumentação. Em termos da prática analítica, partimos, inicialmente, do modelo de argumentação epistêmica de Toulmin (2006[1958]) e de argumentação prática de Fairclough e Fairclough (2012) para descrever os movimentos argumentativos de cada texto e entender de que forma liberais e conservadores sustentavam suas posições favorável e desfavorável à imigração na cadeia textual. Finda essa etapa, valemo-nos das categorias linguístico-cognitivas de analogia, metáfora e posicionamento epistêmico para verificar de que forma tais representações eram conceptualmente perspectivadas, processo que está diretamente relacionado com o grau de convencimento e de persuasão da argumentação em análise. Com base nesse procedimento, pudemos constatar que conservadores tendem a conceber os imigrantes Sul-Sul como potencialmente criminosos, como um fardo para a economia do país e como fundamentalistas e, portanto, resistentes à assimilação cultural, de modo que a sua entrada no país deva ser controlada e bloqueada. O principal valor mobilizado por esse grupo é a segurança, sustentada na crença de que o Estado é capaz de fiscalizar o contingente imigratório e que as Forças Armadas são um aliado nesse processo. Predomina, nesse discurso, o uso de recursos evidenciais perceptivos e analogias associadas à construção do imigrante como criminoso e como fardo. Já no que se refere ao discurso liberal, pudemos depreender que não se tende a conceber os imigrantes Sul-Sul como criminosos, e sim, como um instrumento para o progresso do país, dotado de capacidade de assimilação cultural; seu peso para o Estado não deriva do seu estatuto de imigrante em si, mas do grau de implementação do Estado de Bem-Estar Social do país receptor. Os principais valores que sustentam esse discurso são o mérito e a liberdade, especialmente, a livre circulação. É relevante, nesse discurso, o uso de recursos evidenciais comunicativos e analogias associadas à desconstrução do imigrante como fardo e criminoso, equiparando-os aos imigrantes que vieram ao Brasil no fim do século XIX e no início do século XX. / Our objective in this dissertation is to analyze from an empirical-inductive methodology with a focus on the description and interpretation of linguistic data towards a sociodiscursive critique the polemics caught in the online media between conservatives and liberals about South-South migration towards Brasil, motivated by a statement by Congressman Jair Bolsonaro (2015), who called this group of immigrants \"the scoria of the world.\" This polemics has spread over ten texts, in a corpus composed of a variety of genres, among which we highlight reports, articles, editorials and videos on the YouTube platform. The central theoretical framework of the research consists of the Critical Discourse Studies (Fairclough, 2003; Melo, 2012; van Dijk, 2014; Gonçalves-Segundo, 2018a), a multidisciplinary approach aimed at examining the semiotic dimension of social problems. In terms of theoretical convergence, a dialogue was held with social, historical and anthropological studies on immigration, with Cognitive Linguistics and, especially, with Argumentation Theory. In terms of analytical practice, we start with Toulmin\'s (2006[1958]) epistemic reasoning model and Fairclough & Faircloughs (2012) practical reasoning model to describe the argumentative movements of each text and to understand how liberals and conservatives supported their positions favorable and unfavorable to immigration in the textual chain. After this stage, we use the cognitive- linguistic categories of analogy, metaphor and epistemic positioning to verify how these representations were construed, a process that is directly related to ones ability to convince and persuade in the argumentation under analysis. Based on this procedure, we could see that conservatives tend to conceive South-South immigrants as potentially criminal, as a burden to the country\'s economy, and as fundamentalists and therefore resistant to cultural assimilation, so that their entry into the country should be controlled and blocked. The main value mobilized by this group is security, based on the belief that the State is capable of supervising the immigration contingent and that the Armed Forces are an ally in this process. In this discourse, the use of perceptual evidential resources and analogies associated with the construction of the immigrant as a criminal and as a burden prevails. As far as liberal discourse is concerned, we could deduce that they do not tend to conceive South-South immigrants as criminals, but rather as an instrument for the country\'s progress, with a capacity for cultural assimilation; its weight to the state is not derived from its status as an immigrant per se, but from the degree of implementation of the welfare state of the receiving country. The main values that support this discourse are merit and freedom, especially free movement of people. It is relevant, in this discourse, the use of communicative evidential resources and analogies associated with the deconstruction of the immigrant as a burden and criminal, equating them with the immigrants who came to Brazil in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:19:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 4 / Nenhuma / O estudo apresenta a evolução histórica do desenvolvimento do Estado, desde a manifestação da cidade-estado de Roma à organização social até o surgimento do Estado moderno com a Revolução Francesa. Estuda, ainda, a evolução do Estado, passando pelas idéias do liberalismo, do Bem-Estar Social até atingir-se o Estado Democrático de Direito. Apresenta os princípios norteadores dos contratos, efetuando análise de suas alterações em decorrência das transformações do Estado. Conclui que o Estado Democrático de Direito, como um modelo de garantia de paradigmas onde não há distinção entre público e privado e, como tal, a intervenção estatal no direito contratual, torna-se considerável com vistas a garantir os direitos inseridos na Constituição. Este modelo preserva o interesse da coletividade em detrimento do particular, criando uma série de novos mecanismos para tanto / This study presents through a bibliographical research, by means of a phenomenological analysis, the evolution of the constitutional principles of the contract law. The historical evolution of the development of the state is presented since the manifestation of the city-state of Rome, analyzing the social organization up until then, to the appearance of the Modern State with the French Revolution. Its evolution has still been studied, through the Liberalism ideas, the Social Well-Being until reach the Law Democratic State. The main guidelines of the contracts are presented, accomplishing the analysis of their alterations, in consequence of the State transformations. The present work also presents the Law Democratic State as a guarantee model of paradigms where there is no distinction between public and private, and this way the state intervention in the contract law is considerable, aiming to guarantee the rights inserted in the Constitution. This model preserves the interest of the collectivity in detriment

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Venceslau Alves de Souza.pdf: 1075609 bytes, checksum: f7e3705ae5eabd411448fe7d996c786b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-14 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This study was written from a nonIberian perspective to analyze a phenomenon that is very wellknown in Brazil and which is commonly referred to as malandragem . This social practice is examined from the point of view of a theory of social action, in other words, from the starting point of a Western way of thinking that is in opposition to theories that seek its existence in premodern emotionThis study argues that malandragem is much more a product of our modernity, that has been evident since the beginning of the nineteenth century particularly in the resistance of the dominated groups in society which resulted in the formation of the malandro , malandragem , and manifestations such as the jeitinho (Brazilian way), xaveco (flirting), ginga (swing), darse bem (to do well ) levar vantagem ( to take advantage ) jogo de cintura ( to know how to deal with situations). It is also in that resistance that by allowing malandragem to be accepted as a national characteristic it is possible to hide the latent conflict behind the modern forms of domination that (paradoxically) allow human rights to be advanced. The domination is also accentuated in the interclass relationship which distances those individuals from those rights and moves them closer to malandragem / Este estudo foi escrito numa perspectiva nãoiberista do surgimento e evolução de um fenômeno muito conhecido dos brasileiros ao qual se convencionou chamar de malandragem . Esta prática social é aqui investigada sob a luz de uma teoria social da ação, ou seja, a partir do processo de racionalização do Ocidente, em contraponto às teorias que buscam na emoção prémoderna as causas de sua existência. Na perspectiva deste estudo, é muito mais do formato de nossa modernidade, presente entre nós desde princípios do século XIX, particularmente da resistência dos grupos dominantes e daqueles dominados em admitir a totalidade de seus imperativos, que se forma o malandro, a malandragem e todos os seus pressupostos, tais como, o jeitinho, o xaveco, a ginga, o darse bem, o levar vantagem, o jogo de cintura. É nele também que, ao naturalizar a malandragem como uma marca nacional , podese ocultar o conflito latente onde assentam as formas de dominação modernas que (paradoxalmente) permitem fazer avançar os direitos de cidadania. A dominação entre nós é acentuada também no formato intraclasses, o que distancia os indivíduos desses direitos e os aproxima das coisas da malandragem

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Venceslau Alves de Souza.pdf: 1075609 bytes, checksum: f7e3705ae5eabd411448fe7d996c786b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-14 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This study was written from a nonIberian perspective to analyze a phenomenon that is very wellknown in Brazil and which is commonly referred to as malandragem . This social practice is examined from the point of view of a theory of social action, in other words, from the starting point of a Western way of thinking that is in opposition to theories that seek its existence in premodern emotionThis study argues that malandragem is much more a product of our modernity, that has been evident since the beginning of the nineteenth century particularly in the resistance of the dominated groups in society which resulted in the formation of the malandro , malandragem , and manifestations such as the jeitinho (Brazilian way), xaveco (flirting), ginga (swing), darse bem (to do well ) levar vantagem ( to take advantage ) jogo de cintura ( to know how to deal with situations). It is also in that resistance that by allowing malandragem to be accepted as a national characteristic it is possible to hide the latent conflict behind the modern forms of domination that (paradoxically) allow human rights to be advanced. The domination is also accentuated in the interclass relationship which distances those individuals from those rights and moves them closer to malandragem / Este estudo foi escrito numa perspectiva nãoiberista do surgimento e evolução de um fenômeno muito conhecido dos brasileiros ao qual se convencionou chamar de malandragem . Esta prática social é aqui investigada sob a luz de uma teoria social da ação, ou seja, a partir do processo de racionalização do Ocidente, em contraponto às teorias que buscam na emoção prémoderna as causas de sua existência. Na perspectiva deste estudo, é muito mais do formato de nossa modernidade, presente entre nós desde princípios do século XIX, particularmente da resistência dos grupos dominantes e daqueles dominados em admitir a totalidade de seus imperativos, que se forma o malandro, a malandragem e todos os seus pressupostos, tais como, o jeitinho, o xaveco, a ginga, o darse bem, o levar vantagem, o jogo de cintura. É nele também que, ao naturalizar a malandragem como uma marca nacional , podese ocultar o conflito latente onde assentam as formas de dominação modernas que (paradoxalmente) permitem fazer avançar os direitos de cidadania. A dominação entre nós é acentuada também no formato intraclasses, o que distancia os indivíduos desses direitos e os aproxima das coisas da malandragem

A inclusão da função social da propriedade no texto constitucional brasileiro, está em consoância com a passagem do Estado Liberal ao Estado Social. A função social deve ser analisada, portanto, no sentido de garantir faticamente as liberdades e igualdades garantidas apenas juridicamente pelo Estado Liberal. O Estado Social é uma evolução em relação ao Estado Liberal, mas ele o pressupõe. A função social não tranformou a propriedade, em direito-função, mas impôs um equilíbrio entre posições jurídicas que garantem, a partir de direitos e interesses contrários, esferas de liberade colidentes. Uma análise comparativa entre o direito alemão e o direito brasileiro, nesse sentido, mostra-se relevante ao exame dos enunciados normativos referentes a função social e a propriedade, sob a perspectiva do discurso jurídico. No âmbito dos direitos fundamentais, juízos são corretos apenas se puderem ser o resultado de uma ponderação corretamente realizada. A teoria ampla do tipo legal, no presente estudo, relacionada tanto ao direito de propriedade quanto ao de função social, permite, a partir do exame das condições concretas que foram consideradas à época, a análise da ponderação realizada pelo constituinte, quando da restrição dos enunciados normativos na CF/88, a partir da fixação das regras estabelecidas nos artigos 182 e 186. É possível também uma averiguação acerca da questão da igualdade como um critério independente de ponderação, ante a sua estrutura de direito geral de igualdade. / The inclusion of the social function of property in the Brazilian constitutional text is in line with the transition from the Liberal State to the Welfare State. The social function must be analyzed, therefore, in the sense of guaranteeing the freedoms and equality only guaranteed judicially by the Liberal State. The Welfare State is an evolution in relation to the Liberal State, but it presages it. The social function did not transform property, in right-function, but imposed a balance between legal positions that guarantee conflicting spheres of liberty from conflicting rights and interests. A comparative analysis between German law and Brazilian law, in this sense, is relevant to the examination of normative statements referring to social function and property, from the perspective of legal discourse theory. In the scope of fundamental rights, judgments are only correct if they can be the result of a properly balancing consideration. The theory of broad legal type, in the present study, related to both the property right and the social function, allows, from the examination of the concrete conditions that were considered at the time, the analysis of the balancing performed by the constituent, when restricting the statements Normative in CF/88, from the establishment of the rules disposed in the articles 182 and 186. It is also possible to inquire about the question of equality as an independent criterion of balancing, given its structure of general equality law.

Current literature suggests the institution of higher education is exploring its identity and role in society, much like the emerging adults who enroll in their programs as traditional aged undergraduates. Literature also reveals that society is asking undergraduate institutions to meet the diverse needs of its students and prepare them for adulthood and life long learning. However, research also highlights the need for students to be educated for participation within an interconnected and complex global society able to facilitate positive social change. Using a developmental lens, this interpretive case study addressed these current needs through interpreting perceptions of undergraduates and recent graduates about their learning within a student organization focused on global social justice. Data were gathered through 15 survey responses, 8 individual interviews, and a focus group of recent graduates as well as a reflexive journal by the researcher, a former faculty advisor of the student organization. All data were coded for emergent themes and evidence of developmental tasks of emerging adulthood and transformative learning. Findings indicated participants of this study experienced sustained transformative learning as undergraduates as a result of engagement in global social justice activism within a student organization. These findings draw attention to the role played by developmental tasks of identity exploration and commitment in undergraduate learning, the potent contributions of a student organization to academic learning, and the transformative power of undergraduate engagement in global social justice awareness and activism for positive social change.

There is a lack of understanding of different cooperative learning methods and their effects on student achievement in middle and secondary level social studies education. The purpose of this quasi-experimental study was to compare two different cooperative learning models in terms of their effects on student achievement in middle level social studies classes. The research question addressed in this study involved understanding the nature of the relationships between different cooperative learning models, gender, ability level and achievement in social studies students. The two cooperative learning models compared were the structured dyad model, which was effective in studies on reading achievement, and the Jigsaw II model, which was well-suited for social studies students. This quantitative study compared the differences between unit pre-and posttest scores of 6th grade students using repeated-measures t test analysis. The study revealed that the learning using a structured dyad model resulted in significantly higher student achievement scores than learning using the Jigsaw II model. Implications of the study include promoting the use of cooperative learning in classrooms to converting schools into learning communities.

Conflict related sexual violence is a phenomenon that has come to light since world war II, however it is only in recent years that conflict related sexual violence has been discussed in larger forums. In recent years the subject of Conflict related sexual violence has been researched and brought to light in media. This thesis aims to study the conflict related sexual violence in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The method applied on this thesis was a comparative feminist study. The theoretical framework used in this study is liberal feminism and radical feminism. In this study a comparison between the two feministic focuses has been the main object. The result of the study found that both radical feminism and liberal feminism can explain conflict related sexual violence. Radical feminism main concepts in their theory is sexual oppression that women face. Liberal feminism focus on inequality in the society between the sexes. In the result it was found that both perspectives of feminism could explain the sexual violence as something structural. There is inequality between the sexes in a societal level therefor sexual violence can be used as a way to maintain power.