Trata-se de um estudo crítico e interdisciplinar acerca da relação histórica entre os processos de formação, universalização, modernização e institucionalização do direito internacional e o fenômeno do imperialismo, compreendido no contexto das diferentes fases de desenvolvimento do sistema capitalista mundial moderno. A partir da articulação de um arcabouço teórico-metodológico crítico, o estudo busca compreender a evolução e o desenvolvimento histórico do direito internacional (suas normas, práticas, princípios e instituições) no contexto das diferentes fases de expansão geográfica do capitalismo, ou seja, das atividades comerciais, financeiras e militares das potências imperialistas sobre os territórios periféricos da economia mundial. O objetivo primário é investigar a natureza desta relação histórica, buscando identificar de que modo o direito internacional contribuiu, no passado, para dar forma e legitimidade às práticas (diretas e indiretas, formais e informais, coloniais e neocoloniais) do imperialismo. Uma vez constatado o passado imperialista da disciplina, o objetivo secundário passa a ser analisar, de forma crítica, o “novo” direito internacional estabelecido no século XX, sobretudo após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, com o intuito de compreender em que medida esta nova estrutura legal internacional continuou a legitimar e a permitir as práticas do imperialismo, a despeito de sua nova retórica universalista, baseada nos direitos humanos, no desenvolvimento, e na cooperação internacional. Em outras palavras, busca-se compreender em que medida as principais transformações do direito internacional do século XX representaram uma ruptura com o passado imperialista da disciplina. Assim, a partir da articulação das principais teorias críticas da história do direito internacional, concluiu-se que a relação entre direito internacional imperialismo é estrutural, mútua e constante; que transcende a forma colonial, e que continua presente nas formas contemporâneas do capitalismo global e nas práticas contemporâneas do direito internacional (principalmente do direito internacional econômico). / This is a critical interdisciplinary research on the historical relationship between international law and imperialism. More specifically, it is a study on the historical relationship between the correlated processes of formation, universalization, modernisation and institutionalisation of international law and the different phases of development of the world capitalist system. The dissertation seeks to comprehend the historical development and evolution of modern international law (its norms, practices, principles and institutions, from 16th century naturalism to 20th century pragmatism) in the light of the different phases of the economic and geographical expansion of capitalism over the peripheral territories of the world economy. The primary goal is to investigate the nature of such relationship, with an aim to identify in which ways international law has contributed to the shaping and legitimation of (either formal or informal, colonial or neo-colonial) imperialist practices. The secondary goal is to analyse, from a critical standpoint, the “new” international law established in the 20th century with a view to understand to what extent this new international legal structure has continued to shape and legitimise imperialist practices, in spite of the new universalist rhetoric based on human rights, development and cooperation. In other words, the study seeks to comprehend to what extent the main 20th century transformations in international law represented or not a break from the discipline’s imperialist past. That is, to what extent they have changed the nature of the historical linkage between international law and imperialism. With the articulation of the most recent and important critical international legal scholarship the dissertation concluded that the relationship between international law and imperialism is structural, mutual and constant; that it transcends the colonial form; and that it remains present in the contemporaneous forms of global capitalism as well as in the contemporaneous practices of international law (specially international economic law).

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / With the advent of democracy, the ANC government was faced with the problem of addressing abject poverty, persistent unemployment and rank economic inequality that beset black South Africans under apartheid. To address these problems in a structured and comprehensive fashion, the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Act 53 of 2003 (BBBEE Act) was promulgated. Several economists believed that growth in the economy is the bedrock upon which black economic empowerment would provide the foundation to correct these economic problems. This study sought to interrogate black economic empowerment as a means to address economic inequality and unemployment. The method of analysis and critique employed in this study is based on theories that Marx formulated in Capital: A Critique of Political Economy. In particular, this study draws on Marx’s theories of fictitious capital, surplus value production and appropriation, and the creation of the industrial reserve army. The thesis uses the theory to examine two BEE cases namely the Sanlam and Sasol equity transactions. It also analyses the relationship between productive capital and fictitious capital through an examination of Lonmin plc and Shanduka Pty Ltd, with a focus on the use of labour power to produce surplus value. Finally, it looks briefly at Sanlam and Sankorp to understand the rise of the black middle class in South Africa. Ultimately, this study charts a Marxist path to explain why black economic empowerment is unable to address economic inequality and unemployment. At the centre of this study is the problematisation of the capitalist mode of production on which black economic empowerment rests. The central argument advanced is that the very capitalist structure upon which this growth strategy was based, in fact laid the foundation for the reproduction of these self-same phenomena.

Studien består av en idealtypsanalys av fyra historieläroböcker för svenska gymnasieskolan i syfte att undersöka om ett liberalt eller marxistiskt narrativ om införandet om allmän rösträtt dominerar i dessa. Den marxistiska idealtypen, baserad på strukturalist-marxistisk teori, visar sig stämma väl överens med böckernas narrativ. Den liberala idealtypen, baserad på moderniseringsteori, visar sig nästan inte över huvud taget stämma överens med böckernas narrativ.

The process of European integration affects different areas of the European structure differently, where some areas are more integrated than others. Sometimes, it can be difficult to find a balance between how the EU functions and the existing structures within the Member States. The Swedish labour market has been largely independent throughout the 20th century, something that has gone through some changes since Sweden’s accession into the EU. This study aims to examine what laws are made in relation to labour law since Sweden’s accession into the EU, and then examine the results through a Marxist perspective. The study is a comparative one, conducted through comparing tree different years, 1995 – the year Sweden joined the EU, 2006, and 2019, in order to properly view the progression of the integration of labour law at the European level, as well as examining the impact the Amsterdam and Lisbon Treaties and the support for legislation through the treaties has had on legislation. The study found that there has been a trend toward further integration, helped in part by the introduction of the European employment strategy in 1997 which outlined guidelines to, among other things, increase employment and protections of workers. The Marxist analysis found that the EU is an example of how the capitalist system expands through larger territories and movement of decision-making benefits European elites in the long run. Integration is integral to the survival of capitalism, therefore it is of interest to those who benefit from capitalism to keep this trend up, so they can stay in power and continue making decisions that benefit them.

Syftet med denna kvalitativa studie är att få en djup förståelse för en liten grupp audiovisuella kreatörers kreativitet i relation till deras arbetsförhållanden. Resultatet är användbart för forskning inom kreativitet, inom arbete med fokus på kultur- och kreativarbete, samt användbart för aktörer inom branschen. Det genomfördes djupintervjuer på fem audiovisuella kreatörer med fokus på deras utbildnings- och arbetsbana, nuvarande arbetssituation, konstnärliga identitet och framtidsplaner. Analysprocessen består av associationer mellan respondenternas svar, tidigare forskning och alienationsteori. Resultatetet styrker tidigare forskning kring ett existerande spänningsfält eller dualism mellan kreativitet och lönearbete och att respondenterna positionerar sig i detta spänningsfält beroende på sin konstnärliga identitet och motivation. Resultatet ger även kunskap om arbetsförhållanden inom kulturella och kreativa näringar. I diskussionen sammanfattas resultatet utifrån forskningsfrågorna och det föreslås att samarbete och gemenskap, kreativ frihet, ekonomisk frihet och stabila arbetsförhållanden är faktorer som skapar utrymme för kreativt utlopp via arbetet. Studien ger upphov till forskning kring hur konstnärlig identitet formas till att bli entreprenöriell kontra symbolisk-rekreationell. Ett annat förslag till fortsatt forskning är Covid 19-pandemins kortvariga och långvariga konsekvenser på livebranschen.

<p>I analyze Deleuze’s concept of temporality in terms of its ontology and axiological (political and aesthetic) aspects. For Deleuze, the concept of temporality is non-monolithic, in the senses that it is modified throughout his works — the monographs, lectures, and those works that were co-authored with Félix Guattari — and that it is developed through reference to a dizzying array of concepts, thinkers, artistic works, and social phenomena. </p><p>I observe that Deleuze’s concept of temporality involves a complex ontology of difference, which I elaborate through reference to Deleuze’s analyses of Ancient Greek and Stoic conceptualizations of time. From Plato through to Chrysippus, temporality gradually comes to be identified as a form that comprehends the variation of particulars. Deleuze modifies the ancients’ concept of time to suggest that time obtains as a form of ceaseless ontological variation. Through reference to Deleuze’s reading of Gilbert Simondon, I further suggest that Deleuze tends to conceive of temporality as an ontogenetic force which participates in the complex process of individuation. </p><p> A standout feature of this dissertation involves an analysis of how Deleuze’s concept of temporality is modified in his works on cinema. In <i>Cinema 1: The Movement-Image </i>and <i>Cinema 2: The Time-Image, </i>temporality comes to be characterized as something other than the measure of the movement of existents. In his detailed analyses of Bergson — in <i>Cinema 1: The Movement-Image, Cinema 2: The Time-Image</i>, and <i>Bergsonism </i>— Deleuze suggests that time involves an actualization of aspects of a virtual past as contemporaneous with the lived present. While not an outright denial of the relation of temporal succession, Deleuze’s claim implies a diminishment of this relation’s significance in an adequate elaboration of the nature of temporality. </p><p>Further, I observe —through reference to Deleuze’s readings of Marx, Kierkegaard, and Spinoza — that (the explicitly temporal) change of societal forms of economic organization is non-reducible to that suggested by linear evolution. The claim is that putatively discrete modes of economic organization do not enjoy temporal displacement with respect to one another. This suggests that linear evolutionary models of societal development are inadequate. This further implies that temporality is non-reducible to the relation of temporal succession. In concrete terms, societal change is characterized as immanent temporal variation.</p><p>Taken together, these analyses yield the conclusion that Deleuze tends to conceive of the nature of temporality as involving the ongoing realization of multiple — non-identical, sometimes contrary — aspects of a stochastic process of creation that is expressed in ontogenetic circumstances, social evolution, literary works, and filmic works. </p>

(anglicky): Michel Foucault can be hardly described as a convinced marxist, but at the same time, marxism serves as an implicit referential framework in his works against which he shapes his own approach. Nowhere is this ambiguous relation more discernible than in the case of Foucault's former teacher, a marxist theoretician Louis Althusser, with whom he also shares a certain connection with the tradition of french historical epistemology. His revision of marxist theory often displays a curious affinity to Foucault's theoretical projects which are always beyond the limits of marxism. The subject of this thesis will be a reconstruction of the relationship of Michel Foucault towards marxism through his - often hidden - interaction with Althusser's theory. In the first part, I will focus on the period of 1960s during which both authors from anti-humanist and almost structuralist positions reflected questions of epistemology or the position of subject in history. Afterwards both authors move issues such as constitution of subject, power and the marxist conception of ideology, which they either revise (Althusser) or fully abandon (Foucault). In the final part I will focus on the questions of politics and on strategies which are in the cases of both authors provoked by the political changes of their...

This thesis re-examines the life's work of German-American critical theorist, Siegfried Kracauer, to recover abstraction from tacit historical associations with modern fascism. Evoked in critical theory more generally, the abstraction-to-fascism-teleology imagines 20th century fascism as the dialectical fulfillment of modern alienation. Rooting such alienation in the flawed Liberal and Marxist conceptions of monetary relations, critical theorists conduct their aesthetic analyses via ambivalent condemnations of abstraction’s assumed primordial alienation. In the thesis, I critique the abstraction-to-fascism-teleology through an affirmation of neochartalist political economy’s conception of money’s essential publicness and abundance. Drawing from this abstract legal mediation, I trace Kracauer’s various condemnations of abstraction along the terms of his embodied contradiction among the WWII and Cold War fiscal mobilizations to illuminate repressed pleas for abstract mediation within his work and midcentury aesthetic realism broadly. Further, I move from the midcentury moment to the Weimar moment in order to locate potential in Kracauer’s early affirmation of abstraction as a communal medium. I find such affirmations neglected in the Liberal and Marxist responses to the unemployment crises of the Great Depression in Germany. By looking to Kracauer’s Weimar essays on architecture and photography, as well as a reading of Fritz Lang’s Metropolis (1927), I pinpoint historical and contemporary promise in their commitment to the inclusive potential of abstraction’s (no)thing- ness, a commitment that was mirrored in the proposed monetary issuance of the WTB public works plan of 1932, which was ultimately rejected by the Social Democratic Party of Germany in the lead up to their defeat in the parliamentary elections of 1933 and the Nazis’ rise to power.

v anglickém jazyce Proposed thesis focuses on the writings of french theoretician Jacques Rancière. Particular emphasis is put on a manner, in which the spheres of aesthetics and politics appear and intervine in Rancière's works. The consequence of forementioned delimitation of the subject of my interest is that the thesis doesn't fully embody Rancière's thought. Mainly because of the restricted space, i omitted Rancière's historiographical works and also texts that deal with the narrowly defined questions of literature and film. Despite of those limitations, my goal is to provide a monographical introduction to Rancière's thought. This monograph, on the one hand, doesn't claim the complete coverage of Rancière's works, but it aims, on the other hand, to provide the overall insight into the essential questions that shaped (and still shape) Rancière's thought.

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the role that political ideologies plays in determining the target of insurgency movements. In order to understand how these groups operate, I use Janowitz's military establishment to apply it on the three main revolutionary ideologies of the 20th century, Khomeinism, Marxism/Leninism and Fanonian. Based on these analyses, I hypothesize the three main targets by ideology based on the clarity of the indoctrination and on the level of bureaucracy entailed in the revolutionary texts. I then proceed to compare these theories to three case studies, the Hezbollah, the FARC and finally the PKK. I try to offer an explanation on why religious insurgencies target most of their attacks towards rival factions or why nationalist left-wing groups are mostly focused on attacking security forces. I argue that a well-structured hierarchy, a reliance on the civil society and a clear definition of the political and military targets are quintessential to prevent civilian causalities. But contrarily to most papers on the topic, I find that a strict military discipline has the reversed result that expected. For instance, the FARC and the PKK have such a strict internal code of discipline that it led the members to desert the organizations by thousands and have civilians as...