After the attack on Ukraine in 2022, the European Union member states have experienced a major migration wave. This gave the EU opportunity to activate the Temporary Protection Directive for the first time, a framework that was created due to the effects of the Yugoslavian civil war in 2001 and which gives refugees certain rights upon arrival in any EU member state. This is also valid in Sweden. However, Sweden has recently been subject to a change in government which pursues a more restrictive migration policy, and an increasingly harsh and discriminatory rhetoric against migrants. Despite this, Ukrainian migrants seem to be exempt from the negative rhetoric pursued by Swedish political parties. This study aims to review whether and how the Swedish parliament justifies this seemingly preferential treatment. The research adds to the discussion on refugees and migrants in Sweden, particularly to the debate on xenophobia and threat perceptions against migrants, by using the theory of “new racism” and the integrated threat theory. The study applies comparative critical discourse analysis on perceptions of refugees and migrants in general, and towards Ukrainian refugees in particular, as expressed in the Swedish parliament from 2015-2023. The data used were gathered from discussions, debates, and protocols on policy regarding migration and integration in the Swedish parliament. The findings showcase a difference in the discourse around Ukrainian refugees and other, where the discourse about Ukrainians is more positive. This has implications for other refugee and migrant groups in Sweden, and in other EU countries. The discourse conducted by the Swedish parliament can incite violent sentiments in the Swedish population and promote further segregation in society.

This paper aims to shed light on the issue of irregular migration in Sweden, which has become an increasingly pressing concern for policy makers and the public. This study examines the various factors that contribute to irregular migration and the situation of irregular migrants. It explores the various risks that migrants face after entering Sweden such as documentation, challenges, well-being, exploitation, abuse, shelter, and insecurity etc. Additionally, it discusses why some immigrants choose unauthorized migration as a strategy to move, stay, or survive in an illegal situation in Sweden. This study examines and analyses academic literature on irregular migration, including definitions, theories, and methods. Terminology and methods of measuring irregular migration are briefly discussed, and analysis of some of the basic determinants of irregular migration and Swedish government’s policies and initiatives to address this issue and their effectiveness. Literature on migration has been used to frame the discourse and empirical research, i.e., to frame the theoretical framework. Thus, mixed-methods research is used to draw empirical information by combining quantitative and qualitative methods (e.g., semi-structured interview) to obtain results that cannot be achieved by using only one method. An evaluation of empirical evidence is conducted using neoclassical theory and social network theory to assess the 'current' state of irregular migration in Sweden

Die Dissertation untersucht die Kontrolle von Mobilität an fortifizierten Grenzen. Auch in Zeiten der Globalisierung steigt die Zahl von Grenzzäunen weltweit rapide an. Während Grenzbefestigungen in der Vergangenheit oft mit militärischen Konflikten in Verbindung standen, dienen sie heute in erster Linie der Kontrolle von Mobilität. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser Entwicklungen analysiert die Arbeit vier Fallstudien: die ungarisch-serbische, die US-amerikanisch-mexikanische, die pakistanisch-indische und die algerisch-marokkanische Grenze. Ausgehend von der Frage, wie an befestigten Grenzen Mobilität kontrolliert wird, werden die Funktionsweisen von Grenzen herausgearbeitet. Die Arbeit besteht aus drei Artikeln. Der erste untersucht anhand der ungarisch-serbischen Grenze die Wirkung der Fortifizierung auf Migrationskontrolle und Innenpolitik und betont darüber hinaus die Bedeutung der internationalen Verflechtungen dieser Grenze. Der zweite Beitrag vergleicht zwei Zäune, den US-amerikanischen und den ungarischen. Er untersucht Migrationskontrolle mit einem Fokus auf Asyl und zeigt, dass die Grenzzäune hier eine materielle, eine symbolische und eine Filterfunktion erfüllen. Sie dienen dazu, MigrantInnen am Überschreiten der Grenze zu hindern und damit den Zugang zu Asyl zu beschränken. Der dritte Artikel vergleicht alle vier Fälle. Der Artikel kommt zu dem Schluss, dass befestigte Grenzen Ungleichheiten sowohl auf globaler als auch auf lokaler Ebene verstärken und dabei sowohl MigrantInnen als auch die Grenzbevölkerung marginalisieren. Zusammenfassend untersucht die Dissertation Grenz- und Migrationskontrolle und analysiert dabei die Gründe für die Grenzbefestigungen ebenso wie deren Kontext und Auswirkungen. Befestigte Grenzen verstärken durch Kontrolle und Filtern von Mobilität verschiedene Formen von Ungleichheit und Marginalisierung. Da Grenzen weltweit immer stärker fortifiziert werden, sind diese Themen von größter Aktualität. / This dissertation investigates mobility control at fortified borders. Border fortifications are on the rise today and will most probably shape the future of nation states and global mobility. Whereas in the past border fences were often associated with military conflict, the new walls are mostly designed to control and filter mobility. In light of these developments, the thesis analyzes four case studies, namely the Hungarian-Serbian, the U.S. American-Mexican, the Pakistani-Indian and the Algerian-Moroccan borders. Starting with the question of how fortified borders control mobility, it provides an extensive analysis of the control function of borders. The thesis is comprised of three papers. The first examines the Hungarian-Serbian border, highlighting the topics of migration control and domestic politics as well as the international entanglements of this border. The second paper compares two fences, namely the U.S. American and the Hungarian. It examines migration control with a focus on the issue of asylum and shows that fortifications fulfil a material, a symbolical and a filtering function in order to prevent refugees from crossing the border, thereby restricting access to asylum. The third article compares all four cases. It concludes that fortified borders increase inequalities on both the global and the local level, triggering severe social and human effects on both migrants and border populations. In sum, the dissertation explores the topics of border control, selectivity, power relations and inequality by analyzing four fortified borders. It sheds light on different aspects of border control, including the reasons for fortifications as well as their context and impact. It argues that by controlling and filtering mobility, fortified borders sustain and reinforce different forms of inequality and marginalization. As the world’s borders are becoming more and more fortified, these topics are highly relevant and require further research.

近年來許多歐洲國家的極右派政黨打著反移民與反歐洲整合之主張，受到國內民眾的支持度越來越高。然而也有些國家如荷蘭的極右派政黨之表現卻正好相反，其支持率於2010年達到高峰後便逐年下降。本論文旨在探討荷蘭極右派政黨發展之歷史、荷蘭移民政策在「自由黨」於2006年創黨前後是否發生轉變，及其在創黨後至2014年年底為止中三次國會大選中所取得之成果，且勝選後又如何依其政見主導荷蘭移民政策之產出。 除了參考許多相關學術文獻，本論文亦以歷史研究途徑與文獻分析法對荷蘭近三次國會選舉結果與移民政策法規進行研究。研究結果顯示，荷蘭移民融合政策在自由黨成立前後之方向並無太大差異，其主要轉變在1980年代以後便開始逐漸醞釀，由起初對多元主義之嘗試走向90年代強調社會參與的整合主義，並在2000年後開始實施強調荷蘭單一國族認同與主流價值觀的同化主義至今。然而在自由黨於2010年成為國會第三大黨後，其藉由支持少數聯合內閣之方式，將其反移民之理念體現在2010年的政黨協議中，使移民接納政策在依親移民、申請獨立居留與享有社會福利的等待期、對非法居留外國人之待遇，以及境外移民整合考試等規定均漸趨嚴格。 / With their political ideologies strongly against immigrants and further integration of European Union, many far-right parties across Europe have been gaining more supports than ever in recent years, while the electoral outcomes for some far-right parties appear to be totally opposite. For instance, Party for Freedom (Partij voor de Vrijheid, PVV) in the Netherlands only reached its peak of political success in 2010, after which less and less supports from the public have been shown. To know better of such an unusual circumstance, not only the development of the far-right parties in the Netherlands will be discussed, this thesis also aims to probe into the difference of Dutch migration policy before and after PVV was founded, its election results in three times of general election until the end of 2014, and how it once successfully influenced the making of Dutch migration policy. In addition to taking many related literatures into account, in this thesis the results of the recent three times of general election, migration policy, migration law and regulations in the Netherlands are also being analyzed with historical approach and document analysis. The finding shows that there has been no major changes to Dutch integration policy before and after PVV was founded, for they already started to change gradually from multiculturalism in 1980s to integrationism in 1990s, and ended in assimilationism in 2000s as of today. Futhermore, after PVV became the third biggest party in 2010, it also obtained the power to influence the making of Dutch migration policy by supporting the formation of minor coalition government of VVD and CDA, followed by writing its ideologies against immigrants and the EU in the coalition agreement. With such a power, PVV successfully tightened the law and regulations for immigrants, such as imposing stricter qualification for family reunion, harder cultural integration exam to pass, and longer period to enjoy social welfare and political rights.

We use new migration modelling and projection techniques in order to quantify the effect of migration in the context of ageing societies in Europe over the forthcoming decades. Using new empirical results, data and projections of migration flows developed in the framework of the WWWforEUROPE project, we inform the policy discussion concerning the role of demographic change, inequality dynamics, labour market integration of migrants and the sustainability of public finances in the continent. / Series: WWWforEurope

Cette thèse analyse la politique de migration lors du recrutement d'immigrants qualifiés, menée par la province canadienne du Québec et la communauté brésilienne dans cette province francophone. Pour cela, le concept de diaspora a été utilisé comme modèle analytique de la formation de cette communauté d'immigrés dans une région d'installation non traditionnelle. Tout d'abord, ce travail présente l'histoire de cette province canadienne et le développement de la thématique migratoire et linguistique et le rôle des politiques de migration qui ont conduit à l'autonomie de la province dans le recrutement et la sélection de ses immigrants du volet économique en employant le système des points. Ensuite, les principales caractéristiques des communautés brésiliennes dans les principaux pays d'installation sont abordées afin de présenter la question de l'émigration brésilienne comme un phénomène contemporain. Il est démontré comment, depuis les années 1980 ce mouvement, auparavant résiduel, s'est répandu dans la culture brésilienne. Ensuite, est présenté le concept de diaspora afin de statuer sur l'émigration brésilienne comme une diaspora. Ultérieurement, ce travail présente, analyse et traite de la migration des Brésiliens sous ce prisme à travers des entretiens semi-directifs, dont les moyens institutionnels et formels, ainsi que les non institutionnels et informels d'être ici et là-bas sont largement employés. Il met en évidence le rôle des réseaux sociaux virtuels dans le processus,dans leur trajectoire migratoire et dans la formation de la communauté. Il est démontré que ces Brésiliens, au moment de quitter leur pays, étaient à la recherche d'une certaine qualité de vie et de garanties sociales dont ils croyaient être exclus au Brésil. / This thesis analyzes the migration policy recruitment of skilled immigrants, led by the Canadian province of Quebec and the Brazilian community in this French-speaking province. For this, the concept of diaspora has been used as an analytical model of the formation of the immigrant community in a non-traditional installation area. Initially this work presents the history of this province and the development of thematic and linguistic migration and the role of migration policies that led to the autonomy of the province in the recruitment and selection of its economic immigrants using the points system. Then, the main characteristics of Brazilian communities in major country of installation are presented in order to place the issue of Brazilian emigration as a contemporary phenomenon. It is shown how, since the 1980s, this movement, previously residual, has become so prevalent in Brazilian culture. Then, the concept of diaspora is introduced to show the Brazilian emigration as a diaspora. Subsequently, this work presents, analyzes and discusses the migration of Brazilians under this prism through semi-structured interviews, with institutional and formal means, as well as non-institutional and informal to be here and there that are widely used. It highlights the role of virtual social networks in the process, in their migration history and the formation of community. It is shown that these Brazilians, when leaving their country, were looking for a certain quality of life and social guarantees that in Brazil they believed to be excluded. / Esta tese analisa a política migratória de recrutamento de imigrantes qualificados conduzida pela província canadense do Québec e a comunidade brasileira nessa província francófona. Para isso, o conceito de diáspora foi empregado como um modelo de análise da formação dessa comunidade imigrante em uma área de instalação não-tradicional. Primeiramente, este trabalho apresenta a história desta província e do desenvolvimento da temática migratória e linguística e o papel das políticas de migração que levaram à autonomia da província no recrutamento e na seleção de seus imigrantes da categoria econômica através do sistema de pontos. Em seguida, as principais características das comunidades brasileiras nos principais países de instalação foram abordadas a fim de apresentar a questão da emigração brasileira como um fenômeno contemporâneo. É mostrado como, desde os anos 1980, este movimento, até então residual, se difundiu na cultura brasileira. Em seguida, é introduzido o conceito de diáspora afim de situarmos a emigração brasileira como uma diáspora. Posteriormente, este trabalho apresenta, analisa e discute a migração de brasileiros sob esse prisma por meio de entrevistas semi-estruturadas, cujos meios institucionais e formais, bem como não institucionais e informais para estar aqui e estar lá são amplamente utilizados. Ademais, destaca-se o papel das redes sociais virtuais no processo de imigração, na trajetória migratória e na formação dessa comunidade imigrante. É mostrado que esses brasileiros, quando deixaram o seu país, estavam à procura de certa qualidade de vida e de garantias sociais que eles acreditavam ser sido excluídos no Brasil.

The aim of this study is to analyse the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats idea development in the issue of migration in 2010-2018. The inquiry consists of the following two research questions. How has the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats positions regarding migration developed in 2010-2018? How can institutional theories explain the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats idea development? The study is encompassed by three theoretical perspectives also recognised as rational-choice institutionalism, historical institutionalism and discursive institutionalism. In regard to the methodological approach, the study employs the comparative case study design with the most-similar system and is essentially an idea analytical study. The main results reveal that both the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats have adjusted their migration policies but to different degrees. The Swedish Democrats promote similar policies in 2010 as in 2018 with smaller alterations while the Moderate Party has customised larger alterations, distinguishing the party’s migration policy from 2010 and 2018. These policy alterations are primarily explained as a result of rational action, societal discourses and critical junctures.

L’évolution des technologies de l’information et du transport a favorisé l’action transnationale du terrorisme, exigeant une réponse étatique qui prenne en considération le mouvement transfrontalier des terroristes. Cette réponse s’est traduite dans le cas les États‐Unis et de l’Espagne par l’introduction de dispositifs de lutte antiterroriste dans le droit migratoire et d’asile. Les dispositifs de lutte antiterroriste insérés aux États‐Unis sont cohérents avec la tradition migratoire interne tandis que ceux introduits par l’Espagne sont cohérents avec le droit international, par le biais de l’introduction des règles de l’UE. La doctrine internationale a aussi justifié l’adoption de ces dispositifs, invoquant les théories du contrat social et de l’exceptionnalisme souverain. Pourtant, l’introduction de ces dispositifs de lutte antiterroriste par les pays étudiés répond à un processus de confusion des buts et des moyens de lutte contre la criminalité et la migration illégale ou crimmigration. Ces dispositifs ne sont pas très efficaces pour lutter contre le terrorisme, malgré leur présence continue pendant le contrôle migratoire et le traitement des demandeurs d’asile, mais ils sont utiles pour lutter contre l’immigration illégale et préserver la «stabilité culturelle». De fait, ces dispositifs font partie d’un système sélectif de surveillance qui a impliqué la création d’un droit migratoire et d’asile «de l’ennemi», qui conçoit l’étranger comme une source de danger justifiant l’octroi d’un traitement qui le dépersonnalise, permettant à l’État d’atteindre symboliquement ses buts et, éventuellement, d’obtenir de la légitimité vis‐à‐vis de la population autochtone. / Advances in information and transportation technology support transnational terrorist action and require a state response which takes into account the transnational terrorist movement. This response resulted in, for the United States and Spain, immigration and asylum measures that are part of counter‐terrorism strategies. American migratory and asylum measures to combat terrorism are consistent with American migratory tradition and foreign policy, while Spanish measures are consistent with international law, though in conformity with European law. The international doctrine has also justified the adoption of these measures on the basis of social contract and sovereign exceptionalism theories. However, the adoption of migratory and asylum measures to combat terrorism is part of a process of criminalization of migratory law also known as crimmigration. The migratory and asylum measures undertaken to combat terrorism have not been effective in eradicating terrorism, despite their continuous presence during migration control and treatment of asylum‐seekers, though they are valuable instruments for action against illegal migration and preserving cultural "stability". In fact, they are part of a surveillance system of alien people. The construction of this system implies the creation of an "Enemy" migratory and asylum law that considers the alien as a risk to security and consequently gives the alien an exceptional treatment which results in the loss of its legal personality. This "Enemy" migratory and asylum law enables the State to symbolically achieve its goals and obtain a new source of legitimacy.

This Master´s thesis examines structural links on the number of foreigner nationals legally staying in the territory of South Bohemia between 2000 and 2016. The following objectives have been defined: Objective 1: To acquire a comprehensive overview of the number of foreigners with long-term or permanent residence living in the territory of South Bohemia between 2000 and 2016 and to demonstrate the current trends Objective 2: To demonstrate the link between the annual approved long-term or permanent residence in the territory of South Bohemia between 2000 and 2016 Objective 3: To perform a comparison of the results achieved with the European trends Due to the results achieved by the applied quantitative research, the objectives of the thesis are considered to have been met. The theoretical part of the thesis covered the strategy of the migration policy of the Czech Republic. This part defines a concept of migration, in conjunction with the legislative aspect of the given case, the concept of a foreign national and categories of residential permits, as long-term and permanent residence, depending on their duration, including an analysis of different types of long-term and permanent residence. Initially, the purpose of the practical part consisted in the collection of statistical data necessary for the examination of a dependence in the form of the most important statistical indicators for the specified years, i.e. between 2000 and 2016. The tables and charts necessary for the regression analysis of long-term and permanent residence, and for the correlative research of a dependence between long-term and permanent residence needed to evaluate the objectives of this research, were created based on acquired data files. The aim of this Master´s thesis was to evaluate, confirm or refute the following hypotheses: H1 Hypothesis: The annual numbers of foreigner nationals with permanent residence can be expressed by a linear regression model, which shows an increasing trend. H2 Hypothesis: The annual numbers of foreigner nationals with long-term residence can be expressed by a linear regression model, which shows an increasing trend. H3 Hypothesis: The annual numbers of foreigner nationals with permanent and long-term residence positively correlate. The H1 hypothesis was verified by a linear regression model for approved permanent residence. The H2 hypothesis was verified for the first interval (the first 7 years with a rising linear regression) and partly for the second interval (the remaining years until 2016 with a decreasing linear regression). In general, the adoption of the H2 hypothesis should be assumed distantly (the economic crisis intervention, the role of the 5-year period). The H3 hypothesis is on the verge of rejection - the consequences of the economic crisis and the 5-year period reveal either a very weak positive correlation between permanent and long-term residence or an uncorrelated form. The findings provided in the Master´s thesis generate a number of other topics for follow-up research (a link to economic cycles, connection to the parameters of asylum procedures).

This master thesis deals with the current issue of immigration within the EU while applying the social constructivist theory. It seems that the humanitarian, human rights and economic dimension of the European immigration policy is disappearing and immigration is increasingly viewed through the lens of security. The aim of this thesis is to apply the constructivist concept of securitization (constructing an object as a threat) to the current phenomenon of immigration to the EU in order to see the ways of securitization of immigration at the European level and identify its impact and related problems. The first theoretical part of the thesis introduces the links between immigration and security and also thoroughly explains the theoretical and methodological concept of securitization which is then used in the context of the current EU migration policy. The final chapter is devoted to the negative impacts of successfully securitized immigration and it suggests some alternative ways for the EU migration policy which should be seen through other (not only security) dimensions.