While Constantine worked diligently to unite the Roman Empire under the banner of Christianity in the early fourth century after the Edict of Milan and Council of Nicaea, it was the Edict of Thessalonica in 380 under Theodosius I that made Christianity the Roman state religion. During this time of conversion and great change within the empire, as well as earlier in the fourth century, new adherents to the religion were unsure about what it meant to be a Christian as well as how one should act in order to present themselves as a true believer. Many were still very familiar with their ancestral and polytheistic traditions, but were unsure of the character of this new, singular God. They had questions concerning their identity within this new framework. Was everything different now that they had accepted Christianity? Were their actions supposed to be entirely different than what their ancestors had taught them? To address the issue of Christian identity during this period, Prudentius, a Spanish Christian, composed many works in the late fourth and early fifth centuries, including his Peristephanon Liber, a compilation of fourteen Christian martyr texts. In these texts, Prudentius used gendered language to show the superiority of the Christian martyrs. The Christians were depicted as having self-control, active, and having a willingness to die while the pagan persecutors and judges were seen as being filled with wrath, unjust, and unable to properly govern. By using gendered language that was familiar to the new converts of the Roman Empire with respect to sexuality and masculinity, Prudentius sought to help create a masculine Christian identity that was both recognizable and superior to the masculinity of the previous regime. In order to prove this, an analysis on gender in the ancient world and its scholarship will be summarized. I will then describe the two martyr texts that portray women as the protagonist: Eulalia and Agnes. By analyzing the gendered language of these texts, I hope to show how Prudentius used gender, something that the Romans already understood, to invert traditional gender roles and present the Christians as the more masculine and the pagans as more feminine. By bending gender, Prudentius sought to teach these new Christians that being a Christian made a person not only masculine, but also a superior masculine figure than if they still believed in paganism. By focusing on the language of these texts and using secondary sources, I show that Prudentius, like previous Christian authors, used gendered language and female protagonists in order to show these new Christians what it meant to be a true believer, thus attempting to create a superior Christian identity in a newly Christianized society.

Throughout the Second Temple period (516 BCE-70 CE), the reading and interpretation of the Jewish scriptures shaped the national consciousness of the Jewish people. Within this setting, the Jesus movement emerged as a Jewish group which also laid claim to the Jewish scriptures as a means of articulating its identity even though, over time, the group came to be comprised primarily of non-Jews. How was it possible for a group of non-Jews to lay claim to the sacred texts of Jews and use these scriptures to define their own community? With the aim of exploring the answer to this question, my study compares and contrasts the way that the writings of the New Testament attributed to Luke, hereafter Luke-Acts, and the writings of the early Christian apologist Justin Martyr define the Christ-believing community by describing its privileged status in relation to the Jewish scriptures. This entails an examination of their respective representations of the Jewish scriptures and the exegesis of Christ-believers from two main vantage points: their portrayal of Christ-believers as authoritative interpreters of the Jewish scriptures (Part One) and their depiction of Christ-believers as heirs to the promises of scripture (Part Two). Although both authors similarly divide between insiders and outsiders to the Christ-believing community by arguing that Christ-believers alone possess an inspired capacity to interpret the Jewish scriptures, they do not describe insiders to their community in precisely the same way. Whereas Justin argues that Christ-believers have become the rightful recipients of the scriptural promises that God originally made to Jews, Luke envisages an ongoing role for the Jewish people as the recipients of the promises that God pledged to Israel. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Sur le thème du djihad, le discours islamiste radical qui se propage dans le cyberespace, suite aux attentats du 11 septembre, se nourrit d’une interaction entre la reconfiguration d’un héritage religieux et la technique numérique. En cela, la rhétorique déployée par les acteurs centraux d’Al Qaida fait émerger un espace de représentation et d’action inédit d’une violence prônée au nom du djihad. Ce concept, initialement fruit d’une construction juridique qui en fait une « doctrine déontologique », se retrouve vidé de sa substance normative et symbolique pour se rigidifier dans une clôture réflexive et n’être plus qu’un faire-valoir à des théories et des pratiques terroristes. Il s’agit, dés lors, de saisir les dynamiques qui sont à l’œuvre autour des captures de sens opérées par les acteurs du discours radical contemporain. Fondamental est l’enjeu de la mémoire collective et la manière dont le discours radical la capte de manière sélective pour la détourner au profit d’un bricolage conceptuel. Associée aux modalités techniques du medium Internet, la virtualisation constitue un puissant vecteur d’action performative. À cet égard, une analyse des interactions liant de manière consubstantielle action physique et action discursive, activisme et discours, contribuera à prendre la mesure d’une pragmatique discursive dans ses épaisseurs à la fois sémantiques et contextuelles. / Concerning the topic of djihad, radical Islamist discourse that spreads in the cyberspace following the attacks of September 11, feeds on an interaction between the reconfiguration of a religious heritage and the digital technology. Thus, the rhetoric deployed by the central actors of Al Qaeda generates a new space of performance and action of a violence advocated in the name of djihad. This concept, which initially is the result of a legal construction which makes it an “ethical doctrine”, becomes emptied of its normative and symbolic substance to stiffen in a reflexive closure used to assert the theories and the terrorist practices. Henceforth, it is necessary to grasp the dynamics at work in the seizures of the significations operated by the actors of contemporary radical discourse. Fundamental is the issue of the collective memory and the way that the radical discourse captures it, selectively, to divert it for the benefit of a conceptual bricolage. Associated with the technical modalities of the Internet medium, the virtualization is a powerful vector of performative action. In this regard, an analysis of the interactions linking in a consubstantial way the physical and discursive action, activism and discourse, will take the measure of the discursive pragmatics in its both semantic and contextual thickness.

La destruction des villes et des monuments historiques a connu une ampleur sans précédent durant la guerre 1939-1945. La reconstruction après 1945 s’inscrit dans un moment de profonde mutation pour l’histoire du monde. La restauration post bellica des monuments historiques s’inscrit dans le vaste chantier de la Reconstruction territoriale et politique de l’Europe ; il s’agit l’intervention architecturale sur la ruine produite par la guerre. Il existe "mille façons", de protéger, de détruire, puis de restaurer les œuvres d’art et d’architecture lors des conflits armés. Le sujet de cette thèse réside dans ces trois actions : protéger, détruire et restaurer. Elles sont un travail de l’homme. Deux actions, protéger et restaurer participent à des enjeux positifs pour les sociétés indépendamment du lieu ou du temps. L’action, "détruire", porte des signes négatifs, hier comme aujourd’hui, l’action de détruire dépend ou procède de conséquences géopolitiques très complexes. Le sujet de cette thèse concerne notamment deux aspects de la restauration des œuvres d’art et des œuvres d’architecture de 1945 à aujourd’hui. Le premier aspect peut être nommé "les théories", le second aspect "les pratiques". Les deux sont indissociables, dans un processus réflexif où la pratique vient valider ou invalider la théorie, tandis que la théorie se base sur la pratique dans son élaboration. De l’intention d’étudier ces deux aspects, découle la problématique à laquelle je me suis particulièrement attaché ; celle-ci consiste à comprendre en quoi les destructions de la Seconde Guerre mondiale ont contribué à renouveler les théories et les pratiques en matière de restauration des monuments historiques ? J’ai identifié ce renouvellement pour ensuite le définir et le documenter, dans différents contextes spatio-temporels, à travers les 5 chapitres de ce travail. La restauration des monuments historiques après 1945 en Europe, est à la fois le sujet, le terrain et le corpus de cette thèse. Pour rester réaliste j’ai choisi de travailler cette question principalement dans trois pays d’Europe : l’Allemagne, la France et l’Italie. Il s’agit de 3 pays qui ont une longue tradition dans ce domaine. La restauration des monuments historiques après 1945, s’appuie sur l’acceptation ou le refus du drame de la perte. En Europe elle se développe selon quatre périodes que j’ai identifiées comme suit: de 1939 à 1945 la période bellica ; de 1946-1972 la période chaude de la Reconstruction; de 1973 à 1989 la période intermédiaire ; de 1990 à 2015 la nouvelle période chaude ou "le patrimoine à l’état gazeux". Le long chantier de la restauration des monuments historiques après 1945 est un laboratoire européen ou un "collège invisible". Dans ce laboratoire et à partir de la pratique de la restauration, travail alors colossal, urgent et nécessaire, sont élaborées des techniques et des théories toujours valides aujourd’hui. J’ai ici organisé l’analyse de la restauration post bellica autour de la question des lacunes, d’abord analysée d’un point de vue théorique. Ensuite, j’ai imaginé, de façon nouvelle, une typologie des lacunes en architecture afin d’expliquer d’un point de vue pratique et constructif ce qui vient après : la réparation ou "la réintégration des lacunes". J’ai identifié différentes familles de lacunes qui affectent les édifices anciens pris dans la guerre. Il m’a alors semblé possible de parler de lacunes à différentes échelles et indépendamment du type d’artefact touché. J’ai voulu guider le lecteur, dans le labyrinthe de la restauration post bellica, avec la lacune comme fil d’Ariane. Le trou ou la chute d’un fragment d’enduit dans une peinture murale, l’impact de mitraillette dans une façade en pierre, la chute des voûtes et des charpentes d’une église, les cassures dans les travées rythmiques d’une façade, l’écroulement complet de la nef ou de l’abside d’une église, la destruction de tissus urbains autour d'un monument... / Restoration of historical monuments after 1945 is based on the acceptance or the rejection of the drama of loss. I identified for major periods of restoration in Europe after WWII : 1939-1945; 1946-1972 ; 1973-1989 ; 1990-2015. In France, as opposed to Germany or Italy, historiography in architecture still does not deal much with the history of restoration post-bellica, ie with historical monuments destroyed during WWII and progressively restored afterwards. The historiographical task at hand is to study within different contexts (Germany, France, Italy, ex-Yugoslavia, etc) the practices of restoration once peace is back, ie the architectural intervention on the ruins produced by war. Although ferments of restoration (for both works of art and architecture) can be identified, in the current sense of the term, as early as the 1930’s, the discipline is going to mature under the impetus of the immense workshop of post-bellica restoration. Methods, techniques and theories, still valid today, are then produced and applied. My suggestion is that such a workshop can be considered as an European lab within which a kind of "invisible college" is at work, centered around a few major international experts. Architects, historians of art, superintendents, archeologists, natural and social scientists share their experiences and points of view. Research laboratories, universities, museums, churches, international organizations are involved from all over Europe. But Italy is at the heart of the « invisible college ». I have organized the analysis of the post bellica restoration around the question of "lacunes" (deficiency, gaps; shortcomings), first from a theoretical point of view. Then I imagined a new way, a typology of architectural shortcomings in order to explain a practical point of view and constructive comes after the repair or "reintegration of lacune (gap)". I identified different families of "lacune" (gaps) affecting older buildings caught in the war. It’s then possible to speak about "lacune" at different scales and regardless of the type of hit artefact. I wanted to guide the reader through the maze of post bellica restoration, with the "lacune" used as a red string. The hole or the fall of a fragment of plaster in a mural painting, the impact of machine gun in a stone facade, falling arches and a church structures, fractures in the rhythmic span of a facade the complete collapse of the nave and the apse of a church, the destruction of the urban fabric around a monument and the demolition of an old stone bridge are all shortcomings that make us react. That's faces these shortcomings, different each time, what post bellica restoration thought martyr heritage, subject of this thesis.

Cette étude vise à exposer le rôle méthodologique que Martin Heidegger attribue àla conscience (Gewissen) dans Être et temps et à faire ressortir les implications de soninterprétation de « l’appel de la conscience » comme le moyen de produire l’attestation(Bezeugung) de l’existence authentique en tant que possibilité du Dasein (ou être-dans-le-monde). Notre objectif initial est de montrer comment la notion heideggérienne deconscience a évolué avant la publication d’Être et temps en 1927 et d’identifier les sourcesqui ont contribué à l’interprétation existentiale de la conscience comme « l’appel dusouci. » Notre analyse historique révèle notamment que Heidegger n’a jamais décrit laconscience comme un « appel » avant sa lecture du livre Das Gewissen (1925) par HendrikG. Stoker, un jeune philosophe sud-africain qui a étudié à Cologne sous la direction de MaxScheler. Nous démontrons plus spécifiquement comment l’étude phénoménologique deStoker—qui décrit la conscience comme « l’appel du devoir (Pflichtruf) » provenant del’étincelle divine (synteresis) placée dans l’âme de chaque personne par Dieu—a influencél’élaboration du concept de « l’appel existentiel » chez Heidegger. Mettant l’accent sur lerôle méthodologique de la conscience dans Être et temps, nous soulignons aussil’importance des liens entre son concept de la conscience et la notion de « l’indicationformelle » que Heidegger a mise au coeur de sa « méthode » dans ses cours sur laphénoménologie à Freiburg et Marbourg. Alors que de nombreux commentateurs voientdans « l’appel de la conscience » une notion solipsiste qui demeure impossible en tantqu’expérience, nous proposons un moyen de lever cette difficulté apparente en tentant defaire ressortir ce qui est « indiqué formellement » par la notion même de la conscience(Gewissen) dans Être et temps. Cette approche nous permet d’affirmer que le concept deconscience chez Heidegger renvoie à un phénomène de « témoignage » qui estradicalement différent de la notion traditionnelle de conscientia. Guidé par les principes mêmes de la phénoménologie heideggérienne, nous procédons à une analyse« destructrice » de l’histoire du mot allemand Gewissen qui nous révèle que la significationoriginelle de ce mot (établie dans le plus ancien livre préservé dans la langue allemande : leCodex Abrogans) était testimonium et non conscientia. À l’origine, Gewissen signifiait eneffet « attestation »—ce qui est précisément le rôle assigné à la conscience par Heideggerdans Être et temps. Sur la base de cette découverte, nous proposons une manière decomprendre cette « attestation » comme une expérience possible : l’écoute du « témoignagesilencieux » du martyr qui permet à Dasein de reconnaître sa propre possibilitéd’authenticité. / This study aims to exhibit the methodological role that Martin Heidegger assigns toconscience (Gewissen) in Being and Time and to reveal the implications of hisinterpretation of the “call of conscience” as the means of producing the attestation(Bezeugung) of authentic existence as a possibility of Being-in-the-world (or Dasein). Webegin by seeking to understand how Heidegger’s notion of conscience evolved prior to the1927 publication of Being and Time and to identify the sources which contributed to hisinterpretation of conscience as the “call of care.” Our historical analysis notably revealsthat Heidegger never once describes conscience as a “call” before reading Das Gewissen(1925) by Hendrik G. Stoker, a young South African philosopher who studied under MaxScheler’s direction at the University of Cologne. We specifically examine how Stoker’sphenomenological study—which describes conscience as the “call-of-duty” issued to eachhuman being by the divine “spark” (synteresis) placed in his or her soul by God—contributed to shaping Heidegger’s account of the “existential call.” Focusing on themethodological role of conscience in Being and Time, we analyze Heidegger’s major workin light of his early lectures on phenomenology at Freiburg and Marburg. This approachconfirms the relation between conscience in Being and Time and the concept of “formalindication” that Heidegger placed at the heart of his evolving “method” ofphenomenological investigation. While many commentators have argued that Heidegger’s“call of conscience” is solipsistic and impossible to experience, we propose a way ofreconsidering this apparent impasse by examining what Being and Time itself “formallyindicates” with regard to conscience. We show that Heidegger’s conscience points to aphenomenon of existential “testimony” which is radically different from the traditionalnotion of conscientia. Guided by Heidegger’s “formal indication” of conscience, we“destructively” review the history of the German word Gewissen and reveal its originalmeaning to be “testimonium” not “conscientia.” In recognizing that Gewissen originally meant “attestation,” we show how Heidegger’s existential phenomenon of conscience canbe understood as Dasein’s experience of hearing the “silent testimony” of the martyr.

This thesis examines the citation of Ps 68(67).19 in Eph 4.8. Following an introduction that introduces the problem of the altered wording in the citation in Eph 4.8, chapter 2 comprises a History of Research that is organised around the possible sources for the author’s citation in Eph 4.8. One of several conclusions made is that the proclivity of NT scholars to attribute the source text to particular Jewish traditions has contributed to overlooking the import of Ps 68(67).19 within a normal pattern of christological reading of the Psalms in early Christianity. Following these opening chapters, the thesis is divided broadly into Part One and Part Two. The first is deconstructive in nature; the second is constructive. Part One examines textual traditions of Ps 68(67).19 within Justin Martyr, the Peshitta Psalter, and Targum Psalms. Each of these sources share the reading ‘give’ rather than ‘receive’, raising the question of the relationship between these traditions and Eph 4.8. Chapter 3 examines Justin’s Dialogue with Trypho, which contains two citations of Ps 68(67).19 that strongly resemble Ephesians. Nevertheless, as nearly all interpreters acknowledge, Justin never refers directly to ‘Paul’ or ‘Pauline’ letters in any of his writings. Is the parallel wording of Justin’s citations evidence for an early Christian tradition that was also available to Ephesians? I argue that although unmentioned by name, a reasonable case can be made that Justin is familiar with the Pauline corpus, including Eph 4.8. Chapter 4 considers the evidence of Peshitta Psalms, which agrees with the reading of Eph 4.8 in a strand of its copyist tradition. After examining scholarly construals of the Peshitta MS tradition, I consider direct evidence for the influence of Eph 4.8 upon some Peshitta MSS as intimated by Theodore of Mopsuestia. Chapter 5 examines Targum Psalms, focusing on translation techniques and the targumist’s tendency to add, alter, or modify his source in various ways. I argue that when the targumist’s techniques and tendencies are taken into consideration, the targum’s reading ‘give’ is better understood as a typical targumic insertion. The proclivity of many scholars to link Targum Psalms to Eph 4.8 is a classic example of ‘parallelomania’. Part Two turns to make a constructive case for the citation found in Eph 4.8. Chapter 6 is a close examination of the author of Ephesians’ approach to literary borrowing. I consider both his citations from the Jewish scriptures and his use of Colossians as evidence. Chapter 7 examines how early Christians read the biblical Psalms as prophecies. Following a survey of Jewish readings of the Psalms, this chapter surveys how early Christians read the Psalms in light of the death and resurrection- exaltation of Christ. Drawing insights from this, chapter 8 turns to consider the phrases ‘he ascended . . . he gave gifts’ in Eph 4.8. I argue that an ambiguity of the addressee in the text of Ps 68(67).19 allowed for the application of this text to Christ. Moreover, the ‘ascent’ language could easily be applied to the resurrection- exaltation and this association naturally led to the language of gift-giving in Eph 4.8. Chapter 9 considers how the citation of Ps 68(67).19 fits into the context of Ephesians 4, focusing on several important factors such as the language of descent in Eph 4.9–10. Part One and Part Two are followed by a short conclusion that summarises the thesis and draws out several conclusions and implications based upon this study.

IDEOLOGICAL AMBIVALANCE OF MOTHERHOOD IN THE CASE OF &ldquo / MOTHERS OF MARTYRS&rdquo / IN TURKEY Gedik, Esra M.S. Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Sibel Kalaycioglu Co-Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Cem Deveci February 2008, 169 pages The main objective of this thesis is to understand how mothers who lost their sons during the conflicts in East and Southeast of Turkey articulate martyrdom of their sons with nationalism, religion and motherhood / how these women who lost their sons, as a woman and a mother define and express themselves and their experiences after martyrdom. Before their sons are martyrized, these women were ordinary housewives, with the death of their sons, they get a new identity: being a mother of a martyr. In this thesis, it is examined that what being a mother of a martyr means for these women. Moreover, this study attempts to examine certain perceptions and assumptions of these women about nationalism, the state, religion, war and peace after martyrdom. For this aim, this study is based on interviews with mothers who do not realize that they virtually live in a war, on motherhood, war, politics, and peace. Therefore, this research is the study to grasp how discourses of nationalism and religion shape this new identity: being a mother of a martyr. While these women were ordinary housewives before martyrdom, after their sons&rsquo / death, their narratives as mothers of martyrs are cultivated by discourses of nationalism and religion. Consequently, is it possible for these mothers to develop an anti-war discourse as happened for examples in the world?

L'antiquité romaine a toujours été l'un des thèmes majeurs de la littérature française. Mais comment fut-elle appréhendée par la période romantique ? La perception pédagogique et didactique du monde romain permet de comprendre quelle fut l'éducation reçue par toute une génération d'auteur et les progrès des sciences historiques, notamment de la philologie et de l'archéologie montrent combien l'étude du thème s'avère importante. Au niveau littéraire, Chateaubriand apparait comme le grand précurseur d'une nouvelle manière d'écrire l'antiquité romaine, car il crée dans Les Martyrs de nombreux topoï littéraires qui mettent en place les grandes thématiques reprises par la suite tant dans les récits de voyage, le romanesque ou le théâtre. Ainsi se crée une véritable poétique de l'antiquité qui s'articule autour d'une poétique des ruines qui marque la mélancolie et la splendeur passée et de représentations antiquisantes comme les jeux, les voluptés ou les moeurs décadentes passées à la posterité. La perception politique permet de mettre en lumière la reprise paradoxale du thème par les thuriféraires de la monarchie comme de la république. Le monde romain est le miroir parfait d'une période trouble, marquée par le douloureux héritage de la Révolution française. Ainsi s'opposent une vision sulpicienne de Rome et une tératologie romaine qui marque la naissance de l'idée de nation portée par un thème indissociable de celui de l'antiquité romaine: "nos ancêtres les Gaulois".

Geographical Information System (GIS) is a very powerful technique which is used in solving different problems in various fields dealing with spatial information. It can also be used for analyzing wars and campaign. Today&amp / #8217 / s modern armies use GIS effectively for different purposes such as determining strategic points and planning attack and defense. GIS can also be used for past wars, and historical GIS includes these kinds of applications. In this study, GIS have been used for analyzing Gallipoli Campaign in the First World War. This campaign started in February on 1915 and Allied troops left the Gallipoli Peninsula on 9th January 1916. Gallipoli Campaign have very important role in Turkish and World history. This study includes two different parts about Gallipoli Campaign. In the first part, selected battles of the campaign are analyzed with different GIS functions. Selected battles are Naval, Ariburnu, Conkbayiri, and 2nd Kirte Battles, and they are selected based on the availability of graphic and attribute data. In the second part, relationship between martyrs and locations are studied. Distributions of the number of soldiers for different criteria, such as province, district, soldier rank, death location and age are shown on maps and pie charts.

My thesis examines the function and development of the cult of saints in Coptic Egypt. For this purpose I focus primarily on the material provided by the texts forming the Coptic hagiographical tradition of the early Christian martyr Philotheus of Antioch, and more specifically - the Martyrdom of St Philotheus of Antioch (Pierpont Morgan M583). This Martyrdom is a reflection of a once flourishing cult which is attested in Egypt by rich textual and material evidence. This text enjoyed great popularity not only in Egypt, but also in other countries of the Christian East, since his dossier includes texts in Coptic, Georgian, Ethiopic, and Arabic. This thesis examines the literary and historical background of the Martyrdom of Philotheus and similar hagiographical texts. It also explores the goals and concerns of the authors and editors of Coptic martyr passions and their intended audience. I am arguing that these texts were produced in order to perform multiple functions: to justify and promote the cult of a particular saint, as an educational tool, and as an important structural element of liturgical celebrations in honour of the saint. Another aim of this work is to stress the entertainment value of such texts. I explore the sources used by Coptic hagiographers for creating such entertaining stories, as well as the methods they used to re-work certain theological concepts and make them more accessible to the audience. The thesis begins with description of the manuscript tradition of Philotheus and a brief outline and comparison of its main versions. The second chapter discusses the place of the Martyrdom of Philotheus in Coptic hagiography and its connection to the so-called cycles. The next two chapters explore the motifs and topoi characteristic of Coptic martyr passions, especially the legend of Diocletian the Persecutor and the image of Antioch as the Holy City in Coptic hagiography, as these two motifs appear in one way or another in the majority of the martyr passions. Chapter 5 is dedicated to one of the focal points in the Martyrdom - the miracle of resurrection and the tour of hell – and its literary and theological background. Chapter 6 discusses representations of magic and paganism in Coptic hagiography and some of the concerns of Coptic hagiographers. In the last chapter I explore the geography of the cult, its iconographic and hymnographic dimensions and the transformation of the perception of the saint; the second part of this chapter discusses the questions of performance, authorship and audience.