This thesis provides an original contribution to ongoing debates within scholarly Political Economy and Area Studies literatures on the (neoliberal) transformation of the Hungarian political economy. Within this literature, the ‘transition’ to a (free) market economy and democracy is commonly dated to the annus mirabilis of 1989. The development of the Hungarian political economy since then has widely been considered as a ‘success story’ of (neoliberal) transformation and presented as model to be emulated by other countries in Central and Eastern Europe and elsewhere in the world. This thesis challenges this consensus. Drawing on central concepts in Marxist political economy, in particular state capitalism theory, and primary sources in Hungary, we argue that neoliberalism was not simply an ‘imported project’, which arrived ‘from the West’ on eve of the regime change in 1989. Rather, it emerged ‘organically’ in Hungarian society in the 1980s, as a response by domestic political and economic elites to the deepening economic and political crisis of the Kádár regime. The essential aim of the ‘neoliberal turn’ was thus to reconfigure the Hungarian political economy in line with exigencies of the capitalist world economy, while at the same time ensuring that the ‘transition’ went as smoothly as possible. As such, while at one level obviously a repudiation of past policy, policymakers in Budapest pursued the same objectives as central planners under ‘actually existing socialism’. For much of the 1990s and the early 2000s, this Faustian bargain proved relatively successful, as the Hungarian political economy became a model of (neoliberal) transformation in the region. However, since the mid-2000s, the inherent contradictions and limitations of Hungary’s neoliberal regime of accumulation have become increasingly evident. This has been confirmed by events since the onset of the global economic crisis, as Hungary has rapidly moved from being an erstwhile ‘poster boy’ of (neoliberal) transformation to a ‘basket case'.

This paper analyses Arthur Miller’s play, Death of a Salesman. The main focus is on the theme American Dream and its influences on the characters. Classical Marxism and Althusser’s Marxist theory have been used as the theoretical framework for this paper to answer the questions: In which ways has the American dream as a concept of happiness and financial success affected the characters? Can the American dream and capitalism be blamed for the Loman family’s situation? The conclusion drawn after studying Miller’s play is that the material side of the American dream can be identified as the dominant in the play and it has more negative effects than positive ones on the Lomans, the effects are both mental and physical. Despite the negative effects of the American dream and capitalism on the characters in Miller’s Death of a Salesman, one cannot blame them for the Loman family’s situation. It is the individuals (characters) that must be blamed because everyone can independently in a democratic and free society make their own choices. For that reason, people have to stand up for their actions and take responsibility for the consequences of their choices and actions whether the consequences are good or bad. Hence, the problem in Miller’s play is not so much about ideological influences as it is about self-awareness.

The objective of this thesis is to investigate and understand why and how consent is manipulated in societies where severe coercion seems to be effective in securing power. This text therefore analyses the role and nature of coercion and consent – of armed conflict and news production - in Colombia: a society where severe coercion seems to be both effective and profitable. Part 1 of the thesis studies the role of coercion from the Spanish Conquest and Colonial Period to the current regime in terms of the political, social and economic interests that predominate in each period, in terms of the role of armed groups – the main instruments of coercion - in the implementation of these interests, and in terms of the resistance to these pressures. Part 2 analyses the role of consent in terms of historical interests in Colombian media production, in terms of the role of media organisations – the main instruments of consent - in the implementation of these interests, and in terms of dissent. Part 3 focuses on current Colombian news production because this is the main method through which official information related to the present armed conflict is currently being transmitted to the public and because Colombian news production seems to bridge the gap between coercion and consent: by framing and promoting armed conflict. Part 1 uses historical sources, academic articles, human rights reports and nine personal interviews with representatives of the Colombian Armed Forces, guerrilla groups and human rights organisations to represent the broadest possible political spectrum. Part 2 is based on political pamphlets and literature, newspaper and magazine articles and leaflets and 14 interviews with representatives of mass media conglomerates, alternative movements and media groups. Part 3 uses a sample of 851 current news stories to understand the nature of a hypothetical frame that contextualises the actions of the FARC – the main guerrilla group - as illegitimate challenges to proper authority. (Continued ...).

L'enjeu de cette thèse est de dénouer les fils de l'esthétique de la faim à travers une série de médiations, des discours flottants, qui ne sont ni simple procédure visant ou décrivant une pratique ni pure théorie, parce qu'elle hérite de la réalité sociale de manière implicite et explicite. Nous cherchons cette parole qui révèle les contradictions de ce monde, ce ne sera pas de point de vue de l'image cinématographique même si elle rend opérationnelle. La thèse centrale de la démonstration tente de trouver son opérationnalité à partir de la tradition intellectuelle brésilienne et affirmer comme chez Sartre le refus « de confondre l'homme aliéné avec une chose, et l'aliénation avec les lois physiques qui régissent les conditionnements d'extériorité […] Pour nous, l'homme se caractérise avant tout par le dépassement d'une situation, parce qu'il parvient à faire de ce qu'on a fait de lui, même s'il ne se reconnaît jamais dans son objectivation [1] ». La production intellectuelle de Glauber Rocha dépasse le cinéma en conjurant l'art, la vie et le politique, sans jamais les dissocier, dans une expérience poétique régulée par le locus métaphorique de la faim lié à la réalité sociale des zones arides du Brésil.[1] La critique de la raison dialectique, précédé de Questions de méthode, tome I, nouvelle édition, Paris, Gallimard, nrf, Bibliothèque des Sciences Humaines, 1985, p. 76. / The aim of the thesis is to unravel the strands of the aesthetic of hunger through a serie of mediations, dispersed discourses, that are neither a simple procedure aiming for and describing a practice nor pure theory, because of its both implicite and explicit derivations from social realityµ. We found the parole that reveals the contradictions of this world, but not from the point of view of the cinematographic image, through this image is what renders it operational. The principle thesis seeks its manifestation in the Brazilian intellectual tradition and confirms, as in Sartre, the refusal « […] to confuse the alienated man with a thing or alienation with the physical laws governing external conditions... For us man is characterized above all by his going beyond a situation, and by what he succeeds in making of what he has been made – even if he never recognize himself in his objectivation ».The intellectual production of Glauber Rocha goes beyond cinema in conjuring art, life, and the political, without dissociating them, in a poetic experience directed by the metaphoric locus of hunger as linked to the social reality of arid zones in Brazil.[1] Search for a method, translated by Hazel E. Barnes, New York, Vintage Books, 1968, p. 91.

Abstract: This is a study of the influence of anarchism and syndicalism (a variant of anarchism) on the left and labour movements in South Africa between the 1890s and the 1920s, but with a focus on the first two decades of the twentieth century. Internationally, this was a period of widespread working class unrest and radicalism, and the apogee, the “glorious period”, of anarchist and syndicalist influence from the 1890s to the 1920s. The rising influence of anarchism and syndicalism was reflected in South Africa, where it widely influenced the left, as well as significant sections of the local labour movement, as well as layers of the nationalist movements. This influence also spilled into neighbouring countries, fostering a movement that was multi-racial in composition, as well as internationalist and interracial in outlook. These developments are today almost entirely forgotten, and have been largely excised from the literature: this thesis is, above all, a work of recovering the history of a significant tradition, a history that has significant implications for understanding the history of left and labour movements in South Africa and southern Africa.

O materialismo cultural é uma abordagem metodológica contemporânea em Teoria Cultural. Trata-se de \"uma teoria das especificidades da produção material de cultura e literatura dentro do materialismo histórico\", conforme define Raymond Williams (1921-1988), um dos principais nomes ligados a essa perspectiva. Fundador da tradição britânica dos estudos culturais, Williams concebe a cultura, na contramão da crítica literária tradicional - de base romântico-idealista -, como produção material da sociedade. O trabalho expõe o sistema de axiomas e categorias do materialismo cultural e investiga as conexões intelectuais e políticas entre o materialismo cultural e a tradição marxista, por meio de um diálogo envolvendo o marxismo clássico e as obras de Gramsci e Raymond Williams. Argumenta-se que o materialismo cultural contribuiu para o avanço da concepção materialista histórica no campo da cultura, permitindo uma ampliação de horizontes e o enfrentamento dos notáveis dilemas que o marxismo sofreu ao abordar problemas da comunicação e da cultura. Mostra-se de que maneira o materialismo cultural pode servir de referência conceitual para as lutas políticas contemporâneas pela democratização da comunicação e da cultura. / Cultural Materialism is a methodological approach in contemporary cultural theory. It is \"a theory of the specificities of material cultural and literary production within historical materialism\", as defined by Raymond Williams (1921-1988), a leading figure associated with this perspective. Founder of the British tradition of cultural studies, Williams conceived culture not from traditional, romantic/idealist viewpoint of established literary criticism, but as being the material product of society. The work investigates the intellectual and political connections between Cultural Materialism and the Marxist tradition, through a dialogue involving classical Marxism and the works of Gramsci and Raymond Williams. The author argues that Cultural Materialism has contributed to an advance in the historical-materialist conception of culture, helping to expand its horizons and to overcome the difficulties that Marxism previously faced when addressing problems of communication and culture. The author also shows how Cultural Materialism can serve as a conceptual reference in contemporary political struggles for the democratisation of communication and culture.

Esta dissertação pretende explicar a teoria da acumulação de Rosa Luxemburg dentro de seu contexto histórico, mostrando as ideias e discussões a partir das quais essa teoria se desenvolveu ao longo dos anos. O período determinado, 1898 a 1913, corresponde à passagem da autora pela social-democracia alemã nos anos anteriores à escrita do livro Acumulação de Capital, iniciando com o debate clássico com Bernstein sobre reforma ou revolução e terminando com as divergências táticas na década de 1910. Vê-se que muitas das teses apresentadas no livro foram desenvolvidas nas discussões do partido, principalmente sobre impostos e exército. Por isso, apresenta-se rapidamente a história da Alemanha nestes anos, esclarecendo que protecionismo e militarismo eram temas centrais para todas as correntes políticas da época. É apresentado também o desenvolvimento da estrutura do SPD, o crescimento da organização e sua modificação, estabelecendo a relação destas mudanças com acontecimentos do período, especialmente a revolução russa de 1905 e as eleições hotentotes de 1907. A exposição dos debates no SPD deixa clara a importância de alguns acontecimentos para a organização e como as discussões estão presentes no livro de Luxemburg, o que se reflete também nas críticas que recebeu à época. Espera-se que tenhamos contribuído para mostrar Luxemburg como uma economista política, sublinhando a importância de sua obra. / This dissertation intends to explain Rosa Luxemburg\'s accumulation theory in its historical context, showing ideas and discussions wherein this theory was developed through the years. The established period, 1898 to 1913, corresponds to the Luxemburg\'s path in the German social-democracy during years before she wrote the book Accumulation of Capital, starting from the classic debate with Bernstein about reform or revolution and ending with tactical differences in the 1910s. It is clear that many of the outlines in her book were developed in the party discussions mostly on taxes and army. Therefore, German History during those years is quickly presented here elucidating that protectionism and militarism were central subjects to all political forces at the time. The SPD structural development is also presented, the organization growth and its changes, showing the relationship between these changes and some events, specially the Russian revolution in 1905 and the Hottentots elections in 1907. The SPD debates\' explanation proves the meaning of some events to the organization and how those discussions are present at Luxemburg\'s book, what is also clear in the critics she received at the time. I aim to prove Luxemburg as an political economist underlining the great importance of her economic work.

Esta tese tem por objeto as relações entre o marxismo de matriz comunista e o nacionalismo popular no Peru, entre os anos 1920 e19 30, e no Brasil, entre as décadas de 1950 e 1960. Parto da hipótese de que foram essas duas correntes ideológicas concorrentes que plasmaram, entre os anos 1920 e a Revolução Cubana, o universo político-ideológico das esquerdas latino-americanas, em particular, e das classes subalternas do subcontinente, de modo geral. O maior sucesso dos nacionalistas populares em ganhar a adesão dos trabalhadores se deveria à incompreensão dos comunistas em relação à especificidade da questão nacional na região, isto é: o caráter inconcluso da formação das comunidades imaginadas nacionais, tanto pela exclusão da cidadania de amplas camadas populares, como pela dependência externa. Ao longo do trabalho, procurarei demonstrar como essa relação seguiu padrões opostos nos dois países: indo de uma origem comum à hostilidade, no primeiro caso, e do conflito à aliança, no segundo. Explicarei esses padrões divergentes, tanto pelas diferenças entre as respectivas formações sociais, como pelos distintos contextos internacionais, em especial no que se refere ao movimento comunista. Com essa pesquisa comparada, procurarei submeter à crítica as interpretações da chamada teoria do populismo, em especial no que diz respeito ao Brasil e ao problema das relações entre comunistas e nacionalistas no período pré-1964. / This thesis discusses the relationship between the Marxism of communist background and popular nationalism in Peru, during the 1920s and 1930s, and in Brazil, during the 50s and 60s. My hypothesis is that this two concurring ideologies formed, from the 1920s until the Cuban Revolution, the political and ideological universe of the Latin American left, in particular, and that of the subcontinents subaltern classes. The greater ability of the popular nationalists to gain support from the working classes is due to the incomprehension on behalf of the communists of the national problem in the region: the unfinished character of the national imagined communities, caused by the exclusion from citizenship of vast popular masses and external dependency. The work shall demonstrate that the relationship between nationalists and communists followed opposite patterns: going from a common background to hostility in the first case, and from conflict to alliance in the second. With this comparative research, I seek to criticize the interpretations inspired by the theory of populism, especially in the Brazilian case and on the subject of the communist/nationalist relations in the pre-1964 period.

Esta tese busca analisar a história da geografia crítica na França e nos Estados Unidos, principalmente através da concepção de estrutura. A partir de uma compreensão preliminar dos geógrafos anarquistas do século XIX, seguimos para a análise do marxismo e do debate sobre o materialismo geográfico entre geopolíticos e intérpretes do pensamento marxiano na geografia. Após a limitação da possibilidade histórica do desenvolvimento de uma geografia de esquerda na Alemanha, nos voltamos para a análise da geografia francesa que interage com o marxismo devido à resistência ao nazismo e à necessidade de emancipar-se de algumas concepções do pensamento vidaliano. Acompanhamos, então, o rico desenvolvimento da geografia de esquerda como as análises de geografia urbana e econômica, assim como a introdução da temática do subdesenvolvimento. A geografia de esquerda desacelera-se com a crise do marxismo e a ascensão da nova geografia. Contudo, pouco tempo depois, o descrédito da geografia quantitativa, o contexto mundial de lutas revolucionárias e os eventos de maio de 68 fazem surgir a geografia crítica. No caso francês, exploramos as relações entre a geografia de esquerda e o surgimento da geografia crítica; para os Estados Unidos, tentamos demonstrar como alguns de seus desenvolvimentos originam-se da nova geografia quantitativa. Através do estruturalismo althusseriano e os intelectuais que o atacaram, surge o processo de transformação epistemológica e de instituicionalização em que geógrafos outrora marginalizados começam a integrar a academia e desfrutar de um grande capital cultural. No entanto, a institucionalização representa a normatização e a desradicalização. A ascensão do pós-modernismo conjuntamente ao esmorecimento do marxismo em âmbito internacional faz com que o projeto da geografia crítica altere-se profundamente, abrindo precedentes para a consolidação cada vez mais intensa do pós-estruturalismo no final da década de 1980. / This thesis analyzes the history of critical geography in France and the United States, primarily through the conception of the structure. Our approach will preliminary understand the nineteenth-century anarchist geographers followed by the analysis of marxisms rise and geographical materialism debate among geopoliticals and interpreters of Marxian thought in geography. After the impossibility to develop a left geography in Germany, we turn to the analysis of French geography interacts with marxism tied to the resistance to nazism and the need to emancipate itself from some conceptions of Vidal de la Blache thought. We see the rich development of left geography in his urban and economic analysis, as well in introducting the theme of underdevelopment. The left geography decelerates with the crisis of marxism and the rise of new geography. However, shortly after the discrediting of quantitative geography, the global context of revolutionary struggles and the events of May 68 give rise to critical geography. In the french case, we explore the relations between the left geography and the emergence of critical geography, and explaning about United States we tried to demonstrate how some of their new developments came from quantitative geography. Through the althusserian structuralism and his criticals is possible to see the epistemological and institutional transformations in which geographers formerly marginalized begin to integrate the university and enjoy a great cultural capital. However, institutionalization is normalization and deradicalization. The insurgency of postmodernism with the demise internationally marxism makes changes in critical geography setting precedents for increasingly consolidation of post-structuralism in the late 1980s.

A sujeição ao existente foi o tema central do programa de pesquisas organizado por Max Horkheimer no âmbito do Instituto de Pesquisa Social, ao longo da década de trinta. As diversas formas de subjetivação da dominação psíquica, política e ideológica foram objeto da reflexão de Horkheimer e de seus colaboradores, ao longo de um período que correspondeu, aproximadamente, ao da edição da Revista de Pesquisa Social, publicada entre 1932 e 1941. A autoridade foi o tema que vinculou a obra de Horkheimer à de seus colegas no Instituto, nesta tese representados por Fromm, Pollock e Neumann, autores que compreendiam o problema da dominação sob diferentes prismas, e cuja apropriação do marxismo seguia a cada vez um curso próprio. Tenta-se mostrar como Max Horkheimer, a partir de sua compreensão da ideologia e da ciência contemporâneas, formulou uma concepção de autoridade que influiu decisivamente sobre a apropriação crítica feita pelo autor, em seus ensaios, das contribuições daqueles membros do Instituto. Ao incorporá-las em sua obra, Horkheimer modificava a estrutura de seus principais conceitos e lhes conferia novas funções, o que incluía a busca por potenciais de emancipação. Nesse processo, o autor examinava a imbricação entre o fetichismo presente nas diversas esferas sociais, a violência psíquica e política e a luta de classes. / Subjection to the existing was the central theme of the research program organized by Max Horkheimer in the scope of the Frankfurt Institute for Social Research, during the thirties. The various forms of subjectivation of domination - psychic, political, and ideological - were the object of Horkheimer and his collaborators reflection over a period that corresponded approximately to that of the edition of the Journal of Social Research, published between 1932 and 1941. The issue of authority linked Horkheimers work to that of his colleagues at the Institute, in this doctoral thesis represented by Erich Fromm, Friedrich Pollock and Franz Neumann, authors who understood the problem of domination under different prisms, and whose appropriation of marxism followed each time a specific course. The aim here is to show how Max Horkheimer, starting from his understanding of contemporary ideology and science, formulated a conception of authority that decisively influenced the authors critical incorporation in his essays of the contributions of those members of the Institute. In assimilating them in his work, Horkheimer modified the structure of their main concepts and gave them new functions, which included the search for emancipation potentials. In this process, the author examined the imbrication between fetishism present in the various social spheres, psychic and political violence and class struggle.