Depuis des siècles, plusieurs penseurs et scientifiques ont abordé la relation entre la coopération, le langage et la cognition sociale. Parmi eux, Trần Đức Thảo (1917-1993) mérite une mention spéciale. Le but de la recherche qui suit est de présenter au lecteur la réflexion philosophique de Thảo sur le langage humain et son évolution. Nous essaierons de tracer les grandes lignes de la théorie de Thảo sur les origines du langage dans ses Recherches sur l'origine du langage et de la conscience (1973) dans lesquelles il a essayé de trouver une synthèse entre philosophie, linguistique, psychologie et anthropologie physique. La découverte du marxisme-léninisme a conduit Thảo à proposer une approche matérialiste et dialectique au problème de la relation entre corps esprit. De cette façon, Thảo a proposé une sorte de tournant matérialiste et historique de la philosophie de la conscience de Husserl qui était au cœur de ses premiers intérêts philosophiques. La théorie de Thảo met en relief la nature sociale du langage et de la cognition, de sorte que l’évolution du langage est inextricablement liée aux relations sociales. Une telle conclusion reposait sur l’hypothèse que le travail est une caractéristique exclusivement humaine qui distingue les humains des animaux. Pour lui, la genèse du langage est dans le travail humain et donc le langage se développe parmi nos ancêtres pré-humains ainsi que chez les humains en réponse aux problèmes posés par la vie matérielle. En gardant à l’esprit que le langage découle des exigences sociales et des besoins du monde matériel, selon Thảo le langage se transforme lui-même au fur et à mesure que la société humaine change. Et compte tenu des racines sociales de la pensée et du langage, la conscience évolue continuellement avec le temps. Dans ce cadre, Thảo a voulu déterminer la nature du langage et son rôle dans les sociétés préhistoriques et son évolution à travers les relations sociales. / Several thinkers and scientists throughout the philosophical and scientific tradition took up the relationship between cooperation, language, and social cognition. Among them, Trần Đức Thảoʼs (1917–1993) deserves a special mention. The purpose of the following research is to introduce the reader to Thảoʼs philosophical reflection on human language and its evolution. We shall attempt to map out the main lines of Thảoʼs theory of language origins set out in his Recherches sur l’origine du langage et de la conscience (1973) that combines philosophy, linguistics, psychology, and anthropology. The discovery of Marxism-Leninism led Thảo to suggest a materialistic and dialectic approach to the mind-body problem. In this way, Thảo tried to suggest a materialist and historical turn of Husserl’s philosophy of consciousness which was at the very heart of his own first philosophical interests. Thảo’s account threw into sharp relief the social nature of both language and cognition, so that language evolution is linked inextricably to social relations. Such a view depended upon the assumption that labour is an exclusively human characteristic which sets humans apart from animals. And the genesis of language is in human labour. In this way of thinking, language develops among both our pre-human ancestors and present humans in response to problems posed by the material life. Bearing in mind that language arises from the social demands and needs of the material world, language is transformed itself as human society changes. And given the social roots of thought and language, consciousness evolves continuously over time. Within this framework, Thảo wanted to determine the nature of language and its role in pre-historical societies and its making through social relations.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Thiago Colombo Bertoncello.pdf: 913592 bytes, checksum: 7868d486cfdc0864df0de8229a077d06 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-08 / Fundo Mackenzie de Pesquisa / This research is dedicated to withdraw the proceeds of the legal work developed by psychiatrist Wilhelm Reich. In this way, we start from a study between Marxism and psychoanalysis to explain how reichian psychoanalysis was used for a better understanding of our society. From the Reich´s social understanding, we did an analysis of his legal formulations, showing its limitations and the elements which can be used for a better understanding of law. / Esta pesquisa dedica-se a retirar os proveitos jurídicos do trabalho desenvolvido pelo psiquiatra Wilhelm Reich. Neste percurso, partimos de um estudo situado no campo do marxismo e da psicanálise para, posteriormente, explicar como a psicanálise reichiana foi utilizada para uma compreensão crítica de nossa sociedade. A partir das análises sociais de Reich, partimos para uma análise das suas formulações jurídicas, evidenciando suas limitações e os elementos que podem ser utilizados para uma melhor compreensão do direito.

Le concept de l’exploitation est au cœur de la philosophie du travail et constitue l'une des tensions les plus fondamentales au sein des sociétés capitalistes modernes. Depuis Thomas Aquinas, jusqu’aux philosophes plus modernes tels John Locke, Adam Smith, Karl Marx ainsi que ceux plus contemporains tels John Rawls et G.A Cohen, l’exploitation est un enjeu qui fut longuement discuté en philosophie politique. Néanmoins, il semblerait que nous soyons toujours confrontés à la question de savoir ce que signifie d’être exploité. Solliciter l’avis d’un libertarien et d’un socialiste afin de décortiquer le concept de l’exploitation laisserait place à un débat perpétuel en l’absence d’une base commune qui permettrait d’élaborer sur le sujet. Toutefois, il ne suffit pas de considérer uniquement la perspective qui repose sur la définition pour comprendre l’exploitation. Cela dit, ce projet se concentre sur deux approches distinctes du problème de l'exploitation afin de parvenir à ériger des solutions réalistes vis-à-vis un problème aussi vieux que le travail lui-même. En explorant d'abord la façon dont la philosophie définit l'exploitation, nous pourrons situer un fondement théorique au problème. Une fois qu'une compréhension théorique est développée et que notre propre définition de l'exploitation est proposée, la discussion transige vers une exploration empirique de l'exploitation et de sa liaison étroite aux relations de pouvoir asymétriques du modèle capitaliste. Pour mettre en évidence l'asymétrie de pouvoir entre employeur et employé dans le capitalisme moderne, une étude de cas qui porte sur la fermeture de la succursale de Wal-Mart à Jonquière démontrera la partie empirique de notre étude ainsi que l'étendue de la vulnérabilité des travailleurs au sein du capitalisme avancé. Cette combinaison de l'exploration théorique et de la réalisation empirique nous permettra d'isoler les facteurs qui contribuent à la problématique de l'exploitation dans le capitalisme avancé ainsi que de formuler des solutions viables et réalistes. À travers ces solutions, ce projet cherche à comprendre comment nous pouvons rendre le capitalisme un meilleur système pour les travailleurs à l’aide la diminution graduelle de l'exploitation obtenue grâce à l'intégration des principes socialistes dans le capitalisme avancé lui-même. / Exploitation as a concept sits at the heart of the philosophy of labour and constitutes one of the most fundamental tensions within modern capitalist societies. From as early as Thomas Aquinas, to more modern philosophers like John Locke, Adam Smith, Karl Marx, and even more contemporary, John Rawls and G.A Cohen, exploitation is a topic that has been discussed at lengths in political philosophy. However, it would seem that we are still met with the question of what it means to be exploited. Asking a libertarian and a socialist what constitutes exploitation would yield an endless debate that requires a steady ground to understand what it means to be exploited. However, it is not merely enough to understand from a definitional perspective what exploitation is. As such, this project focuses on two distinct approaches to the problem of exploitation in order to arrive at feasible solutions to a problem as old as labor itself. In first exploring what the cannon of philosophy defines exploitation as, we will be able to situate a theoretic underpinning of the problem. Once a theoretic understanding is developed and our own working definition of exploitation is put forward, the discussion will transition into an empiric exploration of exploitation and its connection to asymmetric power relations in capitalism. A case study surrounding the store closure of Wal-Mart’s Jonquière branch will highlight the asymmetry of power between employer and employee and subsequently showcase the extent of the vulnerability of workers within advanced capitalism. This coupling of theoretic exploration and empiric realisation will allow us to isolate what factors contribute to the problem of exploitation in advanced capitalism and posit feasible solutions to the problem of exploitation. In putting forward these solutions this project seeks to understand ways in which we can render capitalism a better system for workers through the gradual diminishment of exploitation achieved through the integration of socialist principles within advanced capitalism itself.

L’Histoire de la gauche radicale en France connaît deux influences majeures souvent considérées comme incompatibles : le marxisme et l’anarchisme (ou la pensée libertaire). Pourtant face aux échecs répétés des tentatives révolutionnaires à base prolétarienne en Europe, et au manque de « poids » des théories libertaires au sein de la contestation radicale du monde contemporain, la « gauche révolutionnaire traditionnelle » semble aujourd’hui être « dépassée » voire « démodée ». Si depuis les évènements de Mai 68 nombre de courants radicaux de gauche, parfois appelés « ultra-gauche », sont apparus en France, il semblerait qu’émerge aujourd’hui, au sein de la gauche radicale, contestataire et révolutionnaire une volonté de s’unir autour d’une ambition commune : faire la Révolution. C’est d’ailleurs ce que tentent d’expliquer Olivier Besancenot et Michael Löwy dans leur ouvrage intitulé : Affinités révolutionnaires . Souvent associés dans la lutte, les partisans de ces deux écoles de pensée semblent se séparer sur le plan des idées. D’inspiration marxiste et libertaire la pensée anti-industrielle reflète cette volonté unificatrice. Issu de la contestation radicale de Mai 1968, la pensée anti-industrielle se développe en France au cours des années 1980 à travers la revue Encyclopédie des Nuisances dirigée par Jaime Semprun. Rejetant le marxisme comme dogme et considérant qu’aucune critique radicale ne permet à cette époque de réellement comprendre correctement l’organisation du monde et l’idéologie dominante, les penseurs de l’Encyclopédie des Nuisances souhaite proposer à travers ce Dictionnaire de la déraison dans les sciences, les arts et les métiers, une forme de bilan reprenant les échecs de mai 1968 et « les immenses succès remportés depuis 68 par la domination modernisée » afin de « les voir dans toute leur ampleur et dans leurs conséquences, sans se dissimuler en quoi ils étaient, bien plus qu’une simple restauration, une contre-offensive décisive, achevant de ruiner à peu près tout ce sur quoi la critique sociale avait cru jusque-là pouvoir se reposer » . Par la suite, c’est en Mars 2010 que Manuel Amoros a rédigé un manifeste intitulé Nous les anti-industriels dans lequel il tenta de définir la position des penseurs anti-industriels. Il conclut en définissant la pensée anti-industrielle comme suit : La pensée contre le développement, ou anti-industrielle, ne représente pas une nouvelle mode, une critique purement négative de la pensée scientifique et des idéologies progressistes, ni un vulgaire primitivisme qui proposerait de retourner à un moment quelconque de l’Histoire ou de la préhistoire. Elle n’est pas non plus une simple dénonciation de la domestication du prolétariat et du despotisme du capital. Encore moins est-elle quelque chose mystificatrice comme une théorie unitaire de la société, chasse gardée de la dernière des avant-gardes ou du dernier des mouvements. Elle va plus loin que cela. Elle est le stade le plus avancé de la conscience sociale et historique. C’est une forme déterminée de conscience, de la généralisation de laquelle dépend le salut de l’époque. Si les Encyclopédistes peuvent être considérés comme les premiers auteurs appartenant à la pensée anti-industrielle et le manifeste comme étant le socle théorique de base de cette pensée, il ne faut pas négliger d’autres auteurs et d’autres maisons d’éditions qui se rattachent aujourd’hui à ce courant. Citer tous les auteurs anti-industriels. Constitution de corpus. Une fois ces auteurs « recensés », il est intéressant de noter que cette pensée anti-industrielle semble rassembler l’ensemble des critiques radicales du monde contemporain afin d’en dégager une globale, permettant à la fois d’en saisir toutes les « caractéristiques » et « les nuisances », mais également de définir les bases du monde à venir qui devrait se substituer au monde contemporain. / .This PhD thesis aims at understanding the ideological construction of a revolutionary political thought that came to existence in France during the 1980s. This work is the result of our will to understand – in the Weberian sense of the term – not only what motivated the thinkers of the “Encyclopédie des Nuisances” to start a situational analysis of the social critique of the time, but also the ideological evolution that permitted the development of an anti-industrialist movement at the beginning of the twenty-first century. In 2010, thanks to the anti-industrialist manifesto the movement appeared. Our hypothesis is that the birth of these particular contemporary utopian views is the result of two decisive factors: on the one hand, the disappointment of some activists towards the May 1968 events in France; and on the other hand, the sense of urgency concerning the sophistication of the industrial world through nuclear power, and the new information and communication technology. We argue that these different evolutions seem to lean towards the creation of a contemporary utopian thought offering to readjust the social critique to the new living standards of individuals.

The purpose of this study is to explore how the court and church in Livonia worked together to remain the sole authority in the country. The Teutonic knights waged crusades in the Baltic countries during the 13th century, formed the country Livonia and ended up staying. In a country where an ethnic German minority held most of the positions of power it became important to legitimize the reason for it being so. This study will focus on the court case of Thiess from 1691, a man charged with being a werewolf and who refused to acknowledge the German ideology. To highlight the power structure, I turned to Louis Althusser and Marxism which theories included the repressive state apparatus and ideological state apparatuses. With those theories in mind, the use of text analysis and literature on the history of Livonia, the power struggle has become clearer. My findings show the importance of making an example of Thiess due to his influence of the peasants.

This C-paper looks at Pierce Brown’s book Red Rising. The first book of a two trilogy series set in adystopian future where humankind has terraformed other planets and moons. The paper explains theways in which Red Rising handles class, and classism through a Marxist lens. Through this lens thispaper discusses how the society was due a revolution, and the factors that played a role in it. As Marxbelieves all lower classes will one day realize the oppression they are under and revolt against thebourgeoisie to create a classless system. The paper briefly looks at the societies from Plato’s TheRepublic as well as Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World.

The background to this essay is that I wanted to analyze the factions in Veronica Roth´s novel Divergent and class from a Marxist perspective. I used a Marxist perspective on social class to find details that matched or looked similar to the novel and did an analysis and comparison between them. I found that a lot of details in how the different factions are described and represented can be compared with classism due to significant similarities, such as social behavior and prioritization among different groups. / Bakgrunden till denna uppsats är att jag ville analysera falangerna i Veronica Roths bok Divergent samt klass från ett marxistiskt perspektiv. Jag använde ett marxistiskt persspektiv på social klass för att finna detaljer som matchade eller liknade novellen och gjorde en analys och jämförelse mellan dem. Jag fann att en hel del detaljer gällande hur de olika falangerna är beskrivna och representerade kan jämföras med klassism tack vare signifikanta liknelser, såsom socialt beteende och prioriteringar inom olika grupper.

This study is about voluntary productive activities in digital networks and on digital platforms that often are described as pleasur­able. The aim of the study is to relate the peer producers’ perceptions of their activities on a micro level in terms of play, game, work and labour, to their views on Wikipedia’s relation to capitalism on a macro level, to compare the identified ideological formations on both levels and how they relate to each other, and finally compare the identi­fied ideological formations with contemporary Marxist theory on cognitive capitalism. The intention is to perform a critical evaluation of the economic role of peer production in society.Qualitative and semi-structured interviews with eight Wikipedians active within the Swedish language version of Wikipedia con­stitute the empirical base of the study together with one public lecture by a Wikipedian on the encyclopaedia and a selection of pages in the encyclopaedia that are text analysed. The transcribed interviews have been analysed using a version of ideological analysis as it has been developed by the Gothenburg School. The views on the peer producing activities on the micro level has been analysed in a dialecti­cal way but is also grounded in a specific field model.Six ideological formations are identified in the empirical material. On the micro level: the peripheral, bottom-up- and top-down-formation, on the macro level: the Californian alikeness ideology, communism of capital and capitalism of communism. Communism of capital has two sides to it: one stresses the synergies and the other the conflicts between the two phenomena. The formations on the macro level conform broadly to contemporary Marxist theory, but there are important differ­ences as well. The study results in a hypothesis that the critical side of communism of capital and the peripheral and bottom-up-formation could help to further a more sustainable capitalism of communism, and counteract a deeper integra­tion of the top-down-formation with Californian alikeness ideology. The latter is the main risk of capitalist co-optation of the peer produc­tion that is underway as the manifestly dominant formations on the macro level are Californian alikeness ideology and communism of capital. / <p>©<strong> </strong>2015 Arwid Lund, used under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 3.0 license: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/</p><p></p>

The present thesis is an exploration of normalization processes and the problem of appropriation in labor conflict. More specifically, it analyses the way contemporary labor conflicts in nursing relate to, and thereby help to illuminate, changes in modes of gender normalization under neoliberalism, and how nurse labor conflict thereby sheds light on wider patterns of labor strife. Analysis shows how a “virtue script” bound up with long-lasting patterns of gender normalization in nursing becomes tangled with forms of abstract labor related to “new public management” reform. Although the restructuring of work threatens public professionals’ autonomy, at the same time, it provides opportunities for resistance through collective action. What is more, this restructuring process facilitates the appropriation by nurses and, by implication, other public workers, of the discourses and ideals that belonged to the ethos of the Keynesian welfare state. However, this is a contradictory process, since the discourses and ideals thus appropriated inhere in modes of labor exploitation and normalization. Analysis indicates that although appropriation risks to reinforce gendered and exploitative ideas about work, the strategy can be a lever of collective mobilization, and one of its possible outcomes is the radical transformation of the entities it takes possession of. This interview study is mainly based on four journal articles, attending to different aspects of an act of collective resignation taken by registered nurses at a Swedish hospital ward. This is an emerging form of collective action and the thesis provides one of the first analyses of this new grassroots and workplace-based phenomenon, which may be considered its particular empirical contribution. On the other hand, the chapters of the cover essay unfold a sustained argument on normalization and appropriation, thereby elaborating theoretical themes broached in the articles. The focal point of this discussion is a certain concept of form, deployed in Marxist and feminist theory, a concept pointing to the identity of thought-forms and practically enacted forms. Further, these forms migrate: they are evoked in practices wherein “the mind is not active as sentient” (Hegel), later to be projected by the mind onto different entities. The results of the discussion thus question common approaches to normalization. In particular, it is untenable to oppose a tacit and internal mode of control where individuals are induced to comply by attaching to identifications (by becoming/being made into subjects) to an overt and external mode reliant on sheer coercion. This matter–form dichotomy should be dissolved, and modes of coercion should be understood to leave subjective imprints—not at the level of identity but at the level of thought’s infrastructure, that is, form. / Föreliggande avhandling utforskar normaliseringsprocesser och problem rörande appropriering i samband med arbetskonflikter. Avhandlingen analyserar hur sam-tida arbetskonflikter i sjuksköterskeprofessionen relaterar till och sålunda belyser förändrad genusnormalisering i en nyliberal tid, samt hur dessa konflikter belyser övergripande konfliktmönster i arbetslivet. Analysen påvisar hur en ”dygdighets-norm” kopplad till långlivade modaliteter av genusnormalisering sammanvävs med en form av abstrakt arbete relaterad till sentida NPM-reformer. Men medan denna omstruktureringsprocess urholkar den autonomi som professioner i offentlig sektor länge innehaft medför den också möjligheter till kollektiva motståndshandlingar. Vidare möjliggör denna nyliberala omstrukturering sjuksköterskors—liksom andra offentliga professioners—appropriering av diskurser och ideal som var centrala i den tidigare, keynesianska, välfärdsstaten; men detta är en motsägelsefull process då dessa diskurser och ideal är sprungna ur, och präglade av, historier av utsugning och normalisering. Analysen visar att medan appropriering visserligen riskerar att reproducera former av normalisering underlättar denna strategi mobilisering och kan i förlängningen omvandla övertagna diskurser och ideal. Denna intervjustudie är huvudsakligen baserad på fyra artiklar: de analyserar olika aspekter av en kollektiv uppsägningsaktion bland sjuksköterskor vid en sjukhus-avdelning. Detta är en framväxande typ av aktion i Sverige och avhandlingen är en av de första studierna av denna gräsrots- och arbetsplatsbaserade kampform, vilket kan ses som dess empiriska forskningsbidrag. I kappan förs, å andra sidan, en kon-tinuerlig teoretisk diskussion kring normalisering och appropriering som utvecklar teman som lyfts i de enskilda artiklarna. Diskussionen kretsar kring ett visst form-begrepp, som härrör ur marxistisk och feministisk teori och som påvisar en identitet mellan tankeform och praktiskt artikulerad form. Dessa former migrerar; de uttrycks omedvetet i praktiker där individens fokus är annorstädes och projiceras sedan på andra praktiker. I diskussionen ifrågasätts sålunda vedertagna förståelser av norma-lisering: det är teoretiskt ofruktbart att ställa omedvetna, interna, former av kontroll där lydnad eller konformitet uppnås via internaliseringen av påbjudna identiteter mot medvetna, externa, eller tvingande, former av kontroll. En häri latent dikotomi om materia respektive form bör upplösas i syfte att synliggöra hur ett slags kontroll över arbete lämnar subjektiverande avtryck, inte genom att påbjuda identifikationer utan genom att forma vad som kan beskrivas som tänkandets minsta beståndsdelar. / <p>Vid tidpunkten för disputationen var följande delarbeten opublicerade: delarbete 2 och 4 inskickat.</p><p>At the time of the doctoral defence the following papers were unpublished: paper 2 and 4 submitted.</p>

International relations are heralding a new era with the expectation of a new world order. However, the international community is facing a crisis of perception. They are trying to apply the concepts of outdated perspectives, such as realism, idealism, and Marxism, to an international political reality that can no longer be understood in terms of these concepts. The emergence of non-state nations, which are threatening the existence of the state system, are not integrated into the international system by the perspectives. The problem is "perspective effect" - one uses perspectives to perceive, understand, judge, and manipulate, the world order. Any international political issue that does not match conditional perception, is ignored and distorted. The result is "perspective paralysis" - the perspectives are unable to adjust to changed circumstances in the world order. "Perspective paralysis" can be overcome if there is a "perspective shift" - perspectives employ alternative criteria for evaluating world order. / World order / New world order / M.A (International Politics)