This essay examines the conditions for translation into Swedish, and reception of Shakespeare’s dramatic works during the 19th century. By looking at the critical discussion around Shakespeare in Sweden from 1790 until 1850, and the biographies of several translators, the conclusion is that the Romantic movement was a crucial component in introducing his plays, as well as a modernization of political and literary culture after the French revolution. The essay also aims to tie a specific play – The Tragedy of Coriolanus, one of Shakespeare’s later tragedies – which was performed in Stockholm in 1866 to the political conditions of modernity, with its focus on class struggle and the taming of public opinion. The play dramatizes the for democracy as against aristocracy and tyranny – an issue well alive in the late 19th century. By situating the text of the play as a narratological homology for political and capitalist modernity, Shakespeare is brought into sharp relief as a thoroughly modern playwright, whose problems still concern us today.

L '« action » est un mot clé dans la pensée de Kojève. Selon lui, l'être est l'action, l'être est la négativité. Toute l'histoire humaine est une histoire des luttes entre les esclaves et les maîtres. L'interprétation de Kojève sur Hegel a reflété l'angoisse existentialiste des intellectuels français entre les deux guerres, et a en même temps satisfait leurs curiosités à l'égard du marxisme après la révolution russe. En suivant Hegel, Kojève refuse une simple dichotomie entre l'action et la pensée. Il croit que le concept est le temps, la vérité se déroule au cours de l'histoire et ne peut pas s'achever sans action. Pour lui, le bien le plus supérieur est le savoir absolu qui peut s'apparaître automatiquement à la fin de l'histoire. L'aspect politique de la théorie de l'action de Kojève est plus marxiste dans un certain sens, et il est une extension naturelle de sa philosophie de l'action. Puisque la vérité ne peut pas s'accomplir d'un seul coup, Kojève a modifié sa théorie dans ses pratiques philosophiques et politiques. Par exemple, il a hésité plusieurs fois entre l'Orient et l'Occident en prévoyant l'orientation du développement de l'histoire humaine. Un autre exemple, son jugement pour la décolonisation politique de la France a changé considérablement. L'insistance de Kojève sur la négativité ne le guide pas à « la négativité éternelle » de Bataille. Son « savoir absolu » diffère évidemment de « la finité de l'objectivité historique » d'Aron. Mais tous ces conflits nous aideraient à mieux comprendre les débats sur la pratique dans l'intelligentsia française après la guerre. / "Action" is a key word in Kojève's thought. According to him, being is action, being is negativity. And the whole human history is a history of struggle between masters and slaves. Kojève's interpretation of Hegel has embodied also the existential anxieties in the French intelligentsia in the 1930s between the two world wars and catered for the curiosities of the French elites about the Marxism after the Russian revolution, thus produced profound influences. Following Hegel, Kojève refuses the simple dichotomy of the action and the thinking. He believes that the concept equals the time, the verity develops in the history and cannot be achieved without action. For Kojève, the most superior good is the absolute knowledge, or wisdom, or the sum of all the verities, and can appear automatically in the end of the history. This adds such a meaning of essentialism for Kojève's philosophy of action. The political aspect of Kojève's theory of action is a natural extension of his philosophy of action, and it seems more Marxist in a sense. Since the verity cannot be attained at one stroke, Kojève has corrected his theories in his philosophical and political practices. For example, he has swinged several times between the west and the east in anticipating the orientation of the historical development, and has discovered in Japan a development road differing from the Americanization. Another example, his judgment to the political decolonization in France has changed greatly. Here reflects the practical wisdom which is more directly related to the action. Kojève's assertion of the negativity doesn't le ad him to Bataille's "eternal negativity". His "absolute knowledge" clashes essentially with Aron's "finiteness of the objectivity of history». But these conflicts will also help us to better understand the debates concerning the practice in the French intelligentsia after the war.

a zkoumá vliv tohoto myšlení na jejich stěžejní díla následující dekádě. V let, ve kterém se formovaly osobnosti a myšlenky obou autorů. tehdejším Č Kosíkovo a Machovcovo myšlení. V závěrečné části práce jsou nastíněny také filozof podněty přicház které autoři postupně včlenili do

This dissertation investigates the protest cultures of social revolutionary groups during and after the events of 1968 in France and West Germany before inquiring into how political officials and police responded to the difficulties of maintaining public order. The events of 1968 led revolutionaries in both France and West Germany to adopt new justifications for militant action based in heterodox Marxism and anti-colonial theory, and to attempt to institutionalize new, confrontational modes of public protest that borrowed ways of knowing urban space, tactics, and materials from both the working class and armed guerrilla movements. Self-identifying revolutionaries and left intellectuals also institutionalized forums for the investigation of police interventions in protests on the basis of testimonies, photography, and art. These investigative committees regularly aimed to exploit the resonance of police violence to promote further cycles of politicization. In response, political officials and police sought after 1968 to introduce and to reinforce less ostentatious, allegedly less harmful means of crowd control and dispersion that could inflict suffering without reproducing the spectacle of mass baton assaults and direct physical confrontations—means of physical constraint less susceptible to unveiling as violence. Second, police reinforced surveillance and arrest units. The new tactics of the police borrowed their principles from the struggle against subversion, criminality, and terrorism in order to neutralize the small-group tactics of militant demonstrators. Thus, 1968 served as the point of emergence of a confrontational protest culture within the New Left that in turn provoked the re-articulation of practices of the state. It was a revolution in the counter-revolution.

This essay compares two party programmes with each other, both of the programmes are from the Swedish party Vänsterpartiet. The first program was written in 1917 and the second is the latest form 2018. However, before delving into the two programmes this essay takes a lending hand from Andrew Heywood and borrows his definition of socialism, Marxism and feminism. Further on in the essay the two party programmes are presented, starting with the oldest section and followed by the latest. To each section a comment follows with my analysis on the chosen segment. The essay’s aim is to discover how Vänsterpartiet have changed it’s program from 1917 to 2018.  The analysis shows that the party Vänsterpartiet has developed a more diverse party program, they party program includes socialism, neomarxism and socialistic feminism. The new party program contrasts the previous party program from 1917 which mainly focuses on Marxism and socialism. The result indicates a party that is moving forward as the times changes, however, some values from the 1917 program still exists in these modern times.

Madelaine Delbrêl - inspiration for lay spirituality Abstract Madeleine Delbrêl is one of significant personalities in the Catholic Church in the twentieth century. Her way of life and her thoughts, in particular those regarding universal vocation to sainthood and mission influenced the Second Vatican Council. Her prophetic inspiration about lay dignity based on baptism was after thirty years expressed in many council documents and so contributed to a change of lay status in the Church. Key words Church, lay spirituality, mission, Marxism, worker priests Rozsah práce: 132 006 znaků včetně mezer (bez anotací a příloh)

Thesis (M. A.(English Studies)) --University of Limpopo, 2019 / This study explores a literary comparative examination of crime between Africa and Scandinavia, with special attention to Botswana and Norway. Smith’s and Nesbo’s selected novels are used as primary texts for analysis. The novels are, therefore, set in two different areas. These writers depict crime from the African and European perspectives. Chapter One deals with a brief introduction, and the aim and objectives of the study. It also expands on the theoretical background and provides definitions of terms that are used in this paper. Chapter Two presents views from various scholars on crime. This study is based on an Afro-Western approach of literary analysis. In other words, there are thoughts by both African and Western writers which assist in determining possible and noticeable similarities and differences, on the issue of crime. Chapter Three analyses crime from an African perspective while Chapter Four discusses crime from a Western point of view. Each of these chapters reflects on crime through character portrayal and depiction within its context. Chapter Five is a comparative analysis of both novels. The chapter identifies possible similarities and differences, mainly of the depiction of crime in different settings – Africa and Scandinavia, committed by blacks and whites. However, the structural and linguistic approaches of both the novels are also reviewed, assisting in discovering the life, in comparison, of the authors. The last chapter (Chapter Six), is a conclusion of the study and future suggestions. Basically, the study argues that blacks only should not be portrayed as perpetrators, but that whites too can be culprits. Again, there should be an equal of measurement on the weight and honour of the two races. Lastly, the moral is that without considering skin colour, financial and social backgrounds, justice must be served equally. Hence, whoever is caught in any form of wrongdoing, they must be given the appropriate punishment – regardless of race, colour, religious creed, gender, financial and social background. Key Words: Crime, Afro-Western, Marxism, suspense, detective, identity, puzzle, fix, accumulation, class, characterisation and setting

Ireland had, by the year of 1998, been an island of war and conflict to some extent for almost 1000 years. The northeast part of the island, called Northern Ireland, had been under British domination for over 25 years when “the Troubles” ended by the year of 1998. This essay aims towards explaining how the first generation after “the Troubles” has been shaped in terms of political and religious beliefs and attitudes in the society of Belfast. Furthermore, this study seeks to understand the complex nature of the peace agreement and the political consociational power-sharing system that permeates Belfast and it’s people. By conduct interviews with six, picked young persons from Belfast, this essay will, in a qualitative and theoretical way, explain what, and even more so, why the prevailing attitudes exists, and which influences they are derived from. By a socialisation and Marxist theory, these articulated attitudes will be explained, compared and analysed on a deep level.

In the Colonies is a work of fiction. It tells the story of a young German harpist, C––, who is seduced into a life of luxury by a venal American, Sansone. She is invited to spend a year at his artists’ colony, where she works on composing a transcendent work of music and, in the process, realizes that she has lost sight of the material realities around her. Ultimately, she comes to realize that her single-minded pursuit of an ideal Beauty has driven her away from the very ideals she aspired to in the first place.

The Heart Is a Lonely Hunter thrust Carson McCullers onto the literary scene at the age of 23. The year was 1940, and anticapitalistic fervor was at its peak. McCullers, familiar with the writings of Karl Marx, expresses in this novel her concern for the exploited classes, her disdain for a materialistic society that keeps the masses oppressed, and her conviction that societal reform was desperately needed. Marxist theory is evident in every aspect of this novel, from the characters to the setting. Alienation, failure to communicate, poverty, and an atmosphere of despair permeate the work. A product of the Great Depression era, McCullers was familiar with poverty; like many other intellectuals of the time, she embraced Marxism for its commitment to rid the world of this evil. This novel, arguably her finest, displays the influence that Marxist philosophy had on McCullers’s perception of society.