The following essay analyzes the novel Fight Club by Chuck Palahniuk from three different perspectives; Marxism/capitalism, masculinity, and the Oedipal complex. The aim is to understand why the protagonist in the novel uses violence as a means of expression. In the end it is concluded that all three perspectives are important factors when trying to understand the character's violent behavior.

The purpose of my dissertation was to examine the competition between the U.S.-led Western bloc and the Soviet bloc in the less developed world during Détente. I assessed whether or not the Soviet bloc pushed for strategic gains in the less developed world in the middle-to-late 1970’s and whether this contributed to the U.S. decision to abandon Détente in 1979. I made the attempt to test the international relations theory of balance of threat realism (Walt, 1992). I accomplished the test in two ways. First, I measured the foreign aid allocations (military and economic) made by each respective bloc towards the Third World by using a quantitative approach. Second, I examined U.S. archives using the process-tracing/historical method. The U.S. archives gave me the ability to evaluate how U.S. decision-makers and U.S. intelligence agencies interpreted the actions of the Soviet bloc. They also gave me the chance to examine the U.S. response as we evaluated the policies that were pushed by key U.S. decision-makers and intelligence agencies. On the question of whether or not the Soviet bloc was aggressive, the quantitative evidence suggested that it was not. Instead, the evidence found the Western-bloc to have been more aggressive in the less developed world. The U.S. archives also showed Soviet actions to have been defensive. Key U.S. decision-makers and intelligence agencies attested to this. Finally, the archives show that U.S. officials pushed for aggressive actions against the Third World during the final years of Détente. Thus, balance of threat realism produced an incorrect assessment that U.S. aggression in the late 1970’s was a response to Soviet aggression during Détente. The evidence suggests structural Marxism and domestic politics can better explain U.S./Western actions. The aggressive foreign aid allocations of the West, coupled with evidence of U.S. decision-makers/agencies vehemently concerned about the long-term prospects of the West, strengthened structural Marxism. Domestic politics can also claim to explain the actions of U.S. decision-makers. I found extensive archival evidence of bureaucratic inter-agency conflict between the State Department and other intelligence agencies in areas of strategic concern to the U.S.

This essay will address the question of the extent and the way in which the communist ideology is expressed in the left party of Sweden from 1987 until 2016. Before the 1990s, the party was called Left party communists (VPK) in order not to be connected with communism and the Soviet Union and the party had to modernize and become independent, therefore the party had to change their name to left-party (V). This Ideological development has been studied through the ideal type analysis based on the key variables found in the communist ideology and comparing it with the party programs and party leader's speech to answer the main question. It will also present what other left-wing ideologies are expressed and what significance they have had for the party's ideological alignment today.

For most of the 20th century the dominant aim of Swedish educational policy was an integrated public school system under national state control. During the post-war era (1945–1989) this policy led to Sweden having one of the most centralized and integrated school systems in the world. In the 1980s and 1990s, however, there was a profound change in Swedish education policy towards decentralization, deregulation and marketization of the school system. The aim of this thesis is to provide a deeper understanding of the nature and causes of this shift in education policy. The thesis draws from a theoretical framework consisting of Critical Realism, curriculum theory and Neo-Marxism. From a Neo- Marxist perspective the configuration of state education policy is understood as a dominant education ideology. The empirical material consists of state policy documents which are understood as an expression of the dominant education ideology in society. The results indicate a shift in the dominant education ideology in Sweden between 1969 and – 1999: from an emphasis on state governance and goals of equivalence, equality and participation in the school system during the 1970s, towards increasing skepticism regarding state regulation and an emphasis on decentralization and aims to increase parental and pupil influence in the school system during the 1980s, to a dominance of private influence via school choice and competition in the school system during the 1990s. From a theoretical perspective consisting of Critical Realism and curriculum theory, this shift in education policy and restructuring of the school system is understood in relation to economic crises, a rightward shift in politics and the dominance of neoliberal ideas in Sweden during the 1980s and 1990s.

Orientador: Plinio Soares de Arruda Sampaio Junior / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T10:34:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira_LeandroRamos_M.pdf: 2227050 bytes, checksum: 057e084b8a04fcb0640d8a9b5d5c852a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Esta dissertação compara as interpretações sobre o "novo capitalismo" que emerge a partir do final do século XIX entre Keynes e a Tradição Marxista que relaciona o capital financeiro e o Imperialismo (Lênin, Hilferding e Bukhárin), e suas implicações no que se refere às características do Estado Nacional, a natureza da ordem internacional, e as relações políticas. Procuramos demonstrar que a interpretação de Keynes diverge qualitativamente do pensamento desta Tradição Marxista. Enquanto Keynes via o capitalismo enquanto um economia monetária da produção cujo problema seria o aprofundamento do grau de incerteza e instabilidade associada à uma "hipertrofia" das finanças, esta Tradição Marxista via o capital enquanto um modo de produção e dominação específico, antagônico e transitório, no qual a categoria capital financeiro representaria a fusão entre as formas parciais de capital sobre a forma monopolista, constituindo uma oligarquia financeira, concentrando poder econômico e político. Enquanto Keynes acreditava na autonomia absoluta do Estado em resolver, sob formas persuasivas, mediante uma elite esclarecida, os problemas da época, conduzindo a sociedade ao reino da abundância, esta Tradição Marxista via uma maior aglutinação subordinada do Estado aos interesses incontroláveis de expansão do capital financeiro, fazendo com que o Imperialismo, uma relação de força e dominação exercida necessariamente pela violência, se imponha como necessidade histórica, intensificando a barbárie em escala mundial / Abstract: This work compares the interpretations of the "new capitalism" that emerges from the late nineteenth century between Keynes and the Marxist Tradition that relates the finance capital and Imperialism (Lenin, Bukharin and Hilferding), and its implications with regard to the characteristics of National State, the nature of the international order, and political relations. We demonstrated that the interpretation of Keynes differs qualitatively in relation on the Marxist Tradition's thinking. As Keynes looked for the capitalism as a monetary production economy whose problem would deepen the degree of uncertainty and instability associated with a "hypertrophy" of finance, this Marxist Tradition looked for the capital as a mode of production and domination specifically antagonist and transitory, in which the financial capital category represents the fusion between the partial forms of capital on the monopolist phase, constituting a financial oligarchy, concentrating economic and political power. While Keynes believed in the absolute autonomy of the State in solve, under persuasive forms, by an enlightened elite, the problems of the time, leading the society into the realm of abundance, this Marxist Tradition looked for a greater agglutination subordinated of the State to the uncontrollable interesting of capital financial expansion, causing Imperialism, a relation of power and domination exercised necessarily by violence, imposes itself as historical necessity, intensifying barbarism worldwide / Mestrado / Ciências Economicas / Mestre em Ciências Econômicas

Orientador: Liliana Rolfsen Petrilli Segnini / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T10:51:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lucas_MarcilioRodrigues_D.pdf: 3043330 bytes, checksum: a0f2bdab5bee59caf15b47e518ab7ad8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: Este trabalho analisa dilemas do marxismo em torno da questão da racionalização do trabalho no século XX, especialmente no período entreguerras, quando se difundia pelo mundo capitalista os princípios tayloristas de organização científica do trabalho. Tais dilemas se relacionam ao fato de que o desenvolvimento da grande indústria moderna e a difusão dos princípios tayloristas permitiram uma grande elevação da produtividade do trabalho, ao mesmo tempo em que exacerbaram a condição subordinada dos trabalhadores no interior do processo de produção. Essa dinâmica colocou problemas para os movimentos operários e o pensamento marxista, tanto no que se refere às estratégias e possibilidades de resistência ao incremento da subordinação e da exploração sobre a força de trabalho, quanto em relação aos desafios teóricos e práticos contidos na tarefa de distinção entre os elementos potencialmente positivos desse processo de produção e os traços degradantes de sua exploração capitalista. As dificuldades se revelaram de forma mais dramática no caso da experiência revolucionária russa, na qual o horizonte aberto para a emancipação dos trabalhadores se chocava com a necessidade imediata de organizar e desenvolver o aparato produtivo frágil e deficiente. Por isso, esta pesquisa se concentra sobre o conjunto de problemas e experiências verificado na sociedade soviética, desde as formulações de Lenin a respeito do taylorismo, passando pelas tentativas de concretização de um "taylorismo soviético" na década de 1920, até o surgimento do stakhanovismo durante o período stalinista, em 1935, formando um movimento de operários que obtinham recordes de produção e reivindicavam, como princípio, uma racionalização do trabalho fundada em propostas e iniciativas dos próprios trabalhadores. A hipótese principal defendida em relação a essas experiências é que a estratégia de incorporação do taylorismo carregava limites incontornáveis do ponto de vista da emancipação dos trabalhadores, mas, por outro lado, o seu abandono no momento da ascensão stalinista representou um retrocesso e não um avanço, já que engendrou uma dinâmica em que a exaltação dos stakhanovistas, como "heróis do trabalho", obscurecia a formação de uma organização despótica e ineficiente da produção, cujos traços essenciais permaneceram até a dissolução do regime / Abstract: This thesis analyses Marxism¿s dilemmas around the question of the labor rationalization in the 20th century, specifically on the interwar period, when was diffused on the capitalist world the Taylor's principles of scientific organization of work. These dilemmas were associated with the modern industry development and the diffusion of the Taylor¿s principle. These facts allowed a huge increase of the work productivity causing at the same time an exacerbation of the worker¿s subordination condition inside the productive process. This dynamic put some problems for the workers movement and for the Marxist thought. Whether to the resistance strategies and possibilities against subordination increase and against work force exploitation, whether to the theoretical and practical challenges linked with the task of making a distinction between the potentially positive factors of this productive process and the degraded traits of the capitalist exploitation of this. The dilemmas were shown in a more dramatic way in the Russian¿s revolutionary experience, in which the possibility for worker¿s emancipation collided with the immediate necessity of organize and develop the productive resource, which was fragile and low. Considering all these facts, this research focused on all problems and experiences verified in the soviet society since Lenin¿s formulations about taylorism, going through concretion efforts to stablish a "soviet taylorism" in 1920, until the raising of Stakhanovism during the Stalinist period in 1935. In that year was formed a worker¿s movement that broken productive records and claimed, as a principle, a labor rationalization rooted on proposals and initiatives of the workers by themselves. The main hypothesis defended about these experiences was that the attempt of taylorism incorporation brought unsolvable limits to the worker's emancipation matters, but on the other hand, the renunciation of this attempt during Stalinist rising, meant a regression instead an improvement. It happened because was engendered a dynamic in which the Stakhanovist¿s exaltation as "heroes of the work" obscured the formation of a despotic and inefficient productive organization, which essential traits remained until the end of the regime / Doutorado / Ciencias Sociais / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

György Lukács, filósofo húngaro, é autor de uma vasta produção teórica. Nos anos 1950 e 1960, em seu período de maior maturidade, Lukács dedicou-se à formulação de uma Estética e de uma Ontologia do ser social, obras nas quais buscou retomar e desenvolver temas que se situam nos fundamentos do pensamento de Marx e Engels. Entre esses temas, figurou com importância crescente o tratamento dado à categoria trabalho. Em sua última grande obra teórica, Para uma ontologia do ser social , Lukács situa o trabalho como categoria fundante do ser social e fonte primária da contradição entre teleologia e causalidade. Antes disso, em sua Estética I , Lukács já havia posicionado o trabalho e a vida cotidiana com centralidade em relação às reflexões sobre a arte e a estética, chegando inclusive a realizar formulações específicas sobre a arquitetura. O presente trabalho retoma algumas dessas reflexões de Lukács, o que inclui um retorno também à questões fundamentais colocadas por Marx e Engels, e confronta essas reflexões com elementos da tradição teórica marxista que se construiu no Brasil em torno da produção teórica de Sérgio Ferro. Assim, o presente trabalho sugere a possibilidade de realização da investigação em torno dos problemas relacionados ao reflexo estético arquitetônico situando a arquitetura dentro do âmbito (o mais amplo possível) da práxis social, passando nessa trajetória pelos âmbitos da construção e da economia política. A partir dessa possibilidade, ensaiamos reflexões sobre os fundamentos do reflexo estético arquitetônico e sua relação de constrangimento pelo modo de produção capitalista. Essas reflexões abrem questões para a pesquisa a respeito da responsabilidade social do arquiteto, ou seja, a respeito de quais caminhos pode tomar a ação dos arquitetos interessados na libertação da criação, da produção e da fruição arquitetônica frente aos constrangimentos provocados pela dinâmica do capital. / The Hungarian philosopher György Lukács is the author of a vast theoretical production. In the 1950s and 1960s, his period of greatest maturity, Lukács devoted himself to the formulation of an Aesthetics and an Ontology of the social being, works in which he sought to recapture and develop themes which are located in the basis of Marx\'s and Engels\' reasoning. Among these issues, he focused on the treatment given to the labour category with increasingly importance. In his last large theoretical work, Ontology of social being, Lukács places the labour as a foundational category of the social being and primary source of the contradiction between teleology and causality. Earlier, in his Aesthetics I , Lukács positioned the labour and everyday life with centrality in relation to reflections on art and aesthetics. In this work he even performs specific formulations on architecture. This dissertation refers to some of these reflections made by Lukács, which include also a return to fundamental questions raised by Marx and Engels, and confronts these reflections with elements of the Marxist theoretical tradition that was built in Brazil around the theoretical production of Sergio Ferro. Thus, this study suggests the possibility of carrying on a research around the problems related to the architectural aesthetic reflection, placing the architecture within the scope (the widest possible) of social praxis, passing by the fields of construction and political economy. From this possibility, we rehearsed reflections on the fundamentals of the architectural aesthetic reflex and its constraint relationship caused by the capitalist mode of production. These reflections open issues for research on the social responsibility of the architect , i.e., about the question of which paths can take the action of architects interested in the liberation of architectural creation, production and enjoyment front to the constraints caused by the dynamics of the capital.

O materialismo cultural de Raymond Williams, como formulação de uma nova teoria da cultura inscrita no materialismo histórico, centra-se em um dos debates mais polêmicos e fecundos da tradição marxista - a questão da determinação econômica da cultura e da arte. O presente trabalho visa a uma leitura crítica do livro Marxismo e Literatura, no qual Williams expõe sua teoria de forma abrangente. Por tratar-se de um livro expositivo, sua discussão será acompanhada de diversas análises culturais e literárias do crítico, trazendo à tona seu método teórico-prático as análises criando a teoria, que reorganiza, por sua vez, as formas de entendimento da realidade. / Raymond Williamss Cultural Materialism, working as a formulation of a new cultural theory inscribed in Marxs historical materialism, takes part in one of the most polemical and productive debates in the Marxist tradition the question of the economic determinantion of culture and the arts. The present dissertation has as its aim a critical reading of Marxism and Literature, book in which Williams thoroughly exposes his theory. Being of an expositive kind, its discussion will be conducted along with the study of some of Williamss literary and cultural analyses, bringing forth his method both theoretical and practical the analyses producing the theory that, in its turn, reorganizes the forms of understanding reality.

A presente dissertação apresenta os resultados de uma pesquisa comparativa do tema da questão nacional nas obras do historiador brasileiro Caio Prado Jr. e do jornalista e militante peruano José Carlos Mariátegui. Partindo-se da hipótese de que um dos principais dilemas enfrentados pelo marxismo na América Latina foi dar um tratamento adequado à questão nacional no sub-continente, propôs-se que ambos os autores ao abordarem a questão nacional como construção inconclusa da nação deram respostas análogas ao problema e deitaram as bases de um método marxista capaz de dar conta da realidade local. Todavia, foi preciso ir além desse elemento em comum e demonstrar os diferentes modos pelos quais ambos os autores levaram adiante suas empreitadas políticas e intelectuais. Assim, a dissertação dividiu-se em duas partes, em um primeiro momento foi feito uma reconstrução comparada dos contextos históricos do Brasil e do Peru bem como dos diferentes momentos do movimento comunista nos quais ambos atuaram. Já na segunda parte procurou-se cotejar as obras do brasileiro e do peruano em torno de alguns eixos temáticos comuns. Com esta reconstrução interligada de texto e contexto espera-se ter não apenas demonstrado as semelhanças e diferenças do pensamento de Caio Prado e Mariátegui, como também apontado suas contribuições fundamentais para o estabelecimento de um marxismo especificamente latino-americano. / This dissertation presents the results from a comparative analysis of the national issue based on the works of the Brazilian historian Caio Prado Jr. And hose of Peruvian José Carlos Mariátegui. Considering the hypothesis that one of the most important dilemmas faced by the latin-american marxism was to develop proper answers for the sub continents national issue, is possible to say that the approaches of both authors offered similar solutions using the Marxist method in a creative way to understand their local realities when addressing the national issue as the nations unfinished construction. However, it was necessary to go beyond this common element and demonstrate the different ways in which both authors have undertaken their political and intellectual endeavors. Therefore, the work was divided into two parts, at the first it was made a comparative reconstruction of the historical contexts of Brazil and Peru as well as of the different moments of the communist movement n which both authors acted. In the second part the comparison was between the works of the Brazilian and Peruvian authors around some common themes. With this interconnected reconstruction of text and contexts, not only the differences and the similarities between Prados and Mariáteguis works could be pointed out, but also their fundamental contributions to the establishment of a particular latin-american marxism.

Submitted by Ricardo Cedraz Duque Moliterno (ricardo.moliterno@uefs.br) on 2016-03-08T23:55:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTA??OTiagoOliveiraComFicha.pdf: 615541 bytes, checksum: a43270c6b019b6fb7544fb3b894c858f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-08T23:55:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTA??OTiagoOliveiraComFicha.pdf: 615541 bytes, checksum: a43270c6b019b6fb7544fb3b894c858f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-28 / This dissertation had as study object the thesis, programmatic formulations and the history of the Revolutionary Marxist Organization Workers Policy (1961-1967). The main thrust of these initial union militants Polop was the criticism of the position of the Communist Party of Brazil, the prospect of a socialist revolution in Brazil and are in favor of independence of the working class. The objective of this research was to analyze the paths taken by Polop in the formulation of their main theses and changes elapsed throughout its history, especially after the civil-military coup of 1964. / Esta disserta??o teve como objeto de estudos as teses, formula??es program?ticas e a hist?ria da Organiza??o Revolucion?ria Marxista Pol?tica Oper?ria (1961-1967). Os principais eixos de uni?o destes militantes iniciais da Polop foi a cr?tica ? posi??o do Partido Comunista do Brasil, a perspectiva de uma revolu??o socialista para o Brasil e sua posi??o favor?vel a independ?ncia de classe dos trabalhadores. O objetivo desta pesquisa foi analisar os caminhos percorridos pela Polop na formula??o de suas principais teses e as mudan?as decorridas ao longo de sua hist?ria, especialmente ap?s o golpe civil-militar de 1964.