A pesquisa versa sobre a preservação do patrimônio arquitetônico industrial na cidade de São Paulo, através do estudo de caso de dois conjuntos, Moinho Matarazzo e Tecelagem Mariângela, importantes exemplares da arquitetura industrial datados do fim do século XIX e início do século XX, localizados no bairro do Brás. Esses conjuntos se destacam por sua qualidade arquitetônica, importância histórica, soluções técnicas, organização e interação dos espaços, inserção no tecido urbano e sua condição de referência para a memória local. Mesmo com um debate complexo, a pesquisa busca discutir questões ligadas ao patrimônio industrial, propondo diretrizes para sua preservação, a partir da análise desses conjuntos, pretendendo demonstrar que é possível aliar ações contemporâneas à sua salvaguarda, levantando também, novos temas para discussão. / This research deals with the preservation of industrial architecture in the city of São Paulo, through two study cases, Matarazzo Mill and Mariangela Textile Industry, important examples of industrial architecture of the end of 19th Century and the beginning of 20th Century, in the Bras district. Those complexes stand out because of their architectural quality, historical importance, technical solutions, organization and integration of the spaces, their insertion in the urban space and their reference for the local memory. Even with a complex debate, this research will discuss questions related to industrial heritage, proposing guidelines for their preservation, through the analysis of those cases, showing that it is possible to ally present actions and their preservation, and proposing new subjects for discussion.

O ano era 1912, e um imigrante italiano e um grupo de irmãos provindos da aristocracia fazendeira encontraram-se nos escritórios sobre o famoso Café Guarany, no pulsante coração comercial da cidade, o Triângulo, para combinarem os trâmites à fundação da primeira fábrica de louças em faiança fina do país, em moldes industriais, produção em série e larga escala, no, então, rural bairro da Lapa. Assim teve início a história da Fábrica de Louças Santa Catharina, posteriormente Indústrias Reunidas Fábricas Matarazzo (IRFM) - São Paulo, que abarrotou a cidade de São Paulo com toneladas de louças brancas ou decoradas feitas em seus inúmeros fornos. Fundada no fulcro dos projetos de modernização para a Paulicéia tão desvairada, fábrica e louças dialogaram com as conjunturas das quais eram agência e estrutura. Formas e motivos espalharam-se pelos diversos consumidores da cidade, desbancando, muitas vezes, o monopólio da louça branca estrangeira, da qual se diferenciou produzindo-se segundo lógicas e tecnologias locais. Esta pesquisa baseia-se na análise do sítio arqueológico Petybon, no bairro da Lapa, cidade de São Paulo, região da Água Branca/Vila Romana, escavado no ano de 2003, que revelou ter sido o local de uma antiga fábrica de louças em faiança fina, inaugurada em 1913, fundada meio à maciça imigração italiana e o financiamento das indústrias pelo capital do café. Funcionou até 1937, já pertencente aos Matarazzo que a adquiriram em 1927. O local tem extrema relevância não apenas no contexto da Arqueologia Urbana no Brasil, como também enquanto exemplar dos primórdios da industrialização do país e da história da produção da louça nacional, parcamente tratada pela literatura, pouco valorizada e identificada, apesar de sua freqüência nos sítios arqueológicos do século XX. / The year was 1912, and an Italian immigrant and a group of brothers, drawn from an Aristocratic family farmer, met at an office above the famous Guarany Coffee House, in the beating heart of the city, the Triangle, to establish a fellowship and combine the procedures to the foundation of the first refined earthenware factory in the country, based on an industrial manufacturing, by a mass and large scale production, at the rural district of Lapa. That was the beginning of the history of Santa Catharina Pottery Factory, later Matarazzo United Manufacturing - São Paulo, who crammed São Paulo city with tons of white or decorated pottery, made in its many kilns. Forged at the center of modernizations project for the city, the pottery and factory dialogue with the contexts whose were agency and structure. Forms and motifs spread out by various consumers, beating, often, the foreign pearlware and whiteware monopoly, from whom it was distinguished by organizing itself according with its own logic and technology development. This research is based on the analysis of Petybon archaeological site, in the neighborhood of Lapa, São Paulo, at the region known as Água Branca / Vila Romana, excavated in 2003, which appeared to have been the site of one of the firsts refined earthenware factories, opened at 1913, founded through the massive Italian immigration and the financing of industries by coffee profits. Worked until 1937, then belonging to the Matarazzo Family, who acquired it in 1927. The site is extremely important not only in the context of Brazilian Urban Archeology, but also as an example of the early industrialization in Brazil and the history of national pottery industry, barely treated by literature, almost unknown and unappreciated, despite its frequency at Brazilian archaeological site from the 20th century.

This thesis report presents the process which has been followed to develop a large real estate project in São Paulo, Brazil where the buildings remaining on the site are landmarks. The report includes an extensive case study the Matarazzo Project about which I performed the analysis of the procedure of development during my internship at SCPM – a French Project Management company. The ultimate goal of the thesis is to provide investors with brief recommendations to develop similar project in Brazil with respect of the cultural values. A French Investor intends to develop the Matarazzo Project – a large and complex real estate project in São Paulo, Brazil – on a site defined as a national and municipal landmark by public authorities, respectively CONDEPHAAT and CONPRESP, due to the remaining buildings erected from 1904 which are witnesses of the well-organized institutions of Italian immigrants. The protection of the existing buildings involved a particular procedure to apply for permits. Indeed, it implies the presentation of the project to several organs such as IPHAN, CONDEPHAAT , CONPRESP, SEHAB, SMT, DEPAVE, etc. with a list of required documents – TAC , Projeto de Restauro, Relatorió de Impacto de Vicinhenza, plans, layout, renderings, etc. Thus, to apply for building permits such a situation implies a selected numbers of particular consultants as a Legal Authorization Specialist, Retrofit Specialist, DEPAVE Specialist, Cultural Centre Specialist , lawyers, added to the stakeholders normally present during the development of a real estate project – architects, engineers, land surveyor, quantity surveyor , insurance companies, etc. The case study involved, at this stage, more than 23 entities (2 from the Direction, 3 from the Supervision, and 18 from the Executive Stakeholders) The combination of actors was such because I realized my internship at an early stage of the project – maybe the earliest. Indeed, when I started, the Master Plan had not been defined yet and the Work Cost Estimate had not been performed, even though the Project Manager already had an idea about the overall schedule and was hiring the appropriate stakeholders. By now, the Master Plan has been fixed and shares both green and brown field areas. The existing buildings will host a Retail Centre (18.000m²) surrounded by glazed roof, a Palace Hotel (10.000m²), the Chapel remains a religious place, the Paediatric will be replaced by a Village Hall (500m²). Underground constructions will be located all above the site with a Cultural Centre (18.500m²) and a Parking Lot (55.000m²). Plus, depending on the Right-to- Built, a Tower (21.000m²) will be erected near the Ponta. Consequently, in terms of time, the Project Manager forecasts the whole project to last no less than five years – including legal documents approvals and works execution. In terms of budget, a Work Cost Estimate – more or less accurate depending on the level of completion of the plans of each specific area – has been done so that the Client can start to set up the Business Plan and develop the strategy to finance the project – finding financers, operators, tenants, etc. Having work more than five months on the Matarazzo Project enables to make an analysis of what the situation had been and what it should be. It is crystal clear that mentalities and ways of proceeding between France and Brazil are different. Nothing is said but that is the role of the consultants to establish what strategy to choose, or to state things such as what is allowed to build, how to build, etc. Nothing is written either, indeed there is no code of construction, barely a Código de Obras e Edificações which define for which permit to apply depending on the work to perform. So, the spirit is ‘ do as best as you can and let’s see if will be accepted by legal authorities’. And conflict is avoided – problems are not pointed directly, they last and they became bigger putting the whole project on hold. The solution to all this has been to hire a Project Manager Assistant to work directly from there, increasing communication between France and Brazil, making researches about similar projects, and trying to keep everyone on the right track cause – due to the size of the project – minor points are often forgotten and became major points. For the future, the Project Manager starts to forecast the whole organization of the project, in particular for the detailed conception and execution phases. Regarding the work breakdown structure, to simplify communication proceeding having one representative for the architectural team and one general contractor is the favourite option despite the disadvantages it implies (information retention, increased fees for management of sub-contractor, etc.). The analysis of the procedure of development of a large real estate project in São Paulo, Brazil has resulted in future recommendations on what attention should be focused on. In short, the recommendations include the following: Being aware of local culture and local way of proceeding (steps of development, local institutions, subsequent required documents); Having a good intern organization (being aware of what is due and by who); For more details on the future recommendations, cf. chapter 6.

Orientador: Josué Pereira da Silva / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T15:14:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cardoso_FabioLuizLopes_M.pdf: 3063673 bytes, checksum: bed0af7abaf73d5d15f405a45263ac1a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Esta dissertação trata sobre a trajetória dos programas de transferência direta de renda no Brasil, suas diferenças e especificidades. Buscou-se analisar não apenas suas alterações estruturais, mas também políticas e teóricas. Para iniciar, estabelecemos foco no senador Eduardo Matarazzo Suplicy quanto à elaboração das suas propostas, o que permite perpassar toda a trajetória nacional nessa temática em particular. O senador Eduardo Suplicy é uma figura importante no desenvolvimento da política social no país. São de sua autoria, entre outros projetos, o Programa de Renda Mínima e a Lei da Renda Básica de Cidadania, o primeiro foi apresentado em 1991 e a segunda sancionada em 2004. Ambos versam sobre a mesma área de atuação, sendo a Renda Mínima base para a promoção de políticas públicas nos anos 90 e a Renda Básica que, aprovada de forma pioneira, colocou o Brasil na vanguarda dessas políticas em âmbito mundial. A implantação e impacto desta última ainda é uma incógnita, mas o desenvolvimento da primeira culminou nos principais programas hoje em vigência. Deste modo, estudar a atuação de Suplicy na luta pela efetivação de suas propostas e os fatores que o levaram a substituir uma pela outra, aprofundando suas respectivas origens e desenhos, significa mergulhar nos meandros desta temática demonstrando as diferenças de concepções entre os programas / Abstract: This dissertation deals with the history of the programs of direct income transfer in Brazil, including its differences and specificities. In this work was analyzed not only their structural changes, but also their political and theoretical changes. At the beginning, it is focused on Senator Eduardo Matarazzo Suplicy and in the formulation of their proposals, which allowed to follow the entire national history of this particular issue. Senator Eduardo Suplicy is a major figure in the development of social policy in Brazil. The Minimum Income Program and the Law of Citizen's Basic Income are of his own, among other projects. The first was presented in 1991 and the second sanctioned in 2004. Both deal with the same area, wherein the Minimum Income represented the basis of the promotion of public policies in the 90s and the Basic Income, that was approved in a pioneering way, putting Brazil at the global forefront of these policies. The implementation and impact of the latter is still unknown, but the development of the first yielded the programs in operation today. Thus, the study of the Suplicy's acts struggling for the achievement of his proposals and the factors that led to the substitution of one proposal for the other, deepening their origin and designs, means diving into the intricacies of this issue to demonstrate the differences between the concepts of the programs / Mestrado / Sociologia / Mestre em Sociologia

Orientador: Silvana Barbosa Rubino / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas e Università Ca' Foscari Venezia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T12:33:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Barbosa_MarinaMartin_D.pdf: 17365131 bytes, checksum: 35322d0e40fecd647cf4ab0085445ac2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa trata de que forma se estabeleceram as redes culturais na cidade de São Paulo a partir do pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial, mediante análise dos percursos do Museu de Arte de São Paulo (MASP) e do Museu de Arte Moderna de São Paulo (MAM), com especial atenção aos diálogos travados por seus comitentes e idealizadores, representados nas figuras de Assis Chateaubriand, Pietro Maria Bardi e Francisco Matarazzo Sobrinho. O período histórico abordado corresponde ao da primeira fase de funcionamento dos museus em questão, que compreende desde suas fundações à reaberturas em novas sedes na Avenida Paulista e Parque Ibirapuera (1947-1969). O MASP e o MAM se afirmaram em um momento de plena transformação física, demográfica, econômica e social da cidade, caracterizada pela presença marcante de imigrantes, em confluência com o desenvolvimento dos meios de comunicação de massa. Inseridos em um clima de intensa colaboração internacional, esses museus projetaram o país, a cidade e a si mesmos dentro do cenário artístico e cultural internacional / Abstract: This research covers the process of establishing cultural connections inside the city of São Paulo beginning during the post-World War II period, by analyzing the directions taken by the Museum of Art of São Paulo (MASP) and the Museum of Modern Art of São Paulo (MAM). Special attention is given to the nterconnections established by their clients and creators, such as Assis Chateaubriand, Pietro Maria Bardi and Francisco Matarazzo "Ciccillo" Sobrinho. The historical period analyzed, 1947 to 1969, encompasses the formative activities of these two museums, spanning from the drafting of their constitutions to reopening in new headquarters on Avenida Paulista and at Ibirapuera Park. The success of MASP and MAM coincided with the development of mass media during a period of complete physical, demographical, economic and social transformations in the city of São Paulo, spurred by the strong presence of immigrants. Inserted into an atmosphere of deep international collaboration, these institutions vaulted the nation, the city and the museums themselves into the global artistic and cultural scene / Doutorado / Politica, Memoria e Cidade / Doutora em História