This thesis traces the relationship between militarism and geographical thought in the United States during the early Cold War. It does so by traveling across certain spaces, or environments, which preoccupied American geopolitics and American science during the 1940s and 1950s. Indeed, geopolitics and science, understood during the Second World War as markedly distinct terms, came together uniquely to wage the Cold War from the position of strategy. The most intriguing and influential conjunctions were made possible by militarism, not in the deterministic sense of conditioning technologies or funding lines, but as a result of antagonistic, violent practices pervading American life. These practices reaffirmed America's status as distinctly, powerfully modern, while shoring up the burden of global responsibility that appeared to accompany this preeminence. Through militarist reasoning, the American world was turned into an object that needed securing - resulting in a profoundly insecure proliferation of danger that demanded an equal measure of global action and retreat behind new lines of defence. And in these American spaces, whether expanded or compressed, the identity of America itself was defined. From the global horizons of air power and the regional divisions of area studies to the laboratories of continental and civil defence research, the spaces of the American Cold War were material, in the sense that militarism's reach was clearly felt on innumerable human and natural landscapes, not least within the United States. Equally, however, these environments were the product of imaginative geographies, perceptual and representational techniques that inscribed borders, defined hierarchies, and framed populations governmentally. Such conceptions of space were similarly militarist, not least because they drew from the innovations of Second World War social science to reframe the outlines of a Cold War world. Militarism's methods redefined geographical thought and its spaces, prioritizing certain locations and conventions while marginalizing others. Strategic studies formed a key component of the social sciences emboldened by the successes and excesses of wartime science. As social scientists grappled with the contradictions of mid-century modernity, most retreated behind the formidable theories of their more accomplished academic relatives, and many moved into the laboratories previously associated with these same intellectual stalwarts. The result was that at every scale, geography was increasingly simulated, a habit that paralleled the abstractions concurrently promoted in the name of political decisiveness. But simulation also meant that Cold War spaces were more than the product of intangible musings; they were constructed, and in the process acquired solidity but also simplicity. It was in the fashioning of artificial environments that the fragility of strategy was revealed most fully, but also where militarism's power could be most clearly expressed. The term associated with this paradoxical condition was 'frontier', a zone of fragile, transformational activity. Enthusiastic Cold Warriors were fond of transferring this word from a geopolitical past to a scientific future. But in their present, frontiers possessed the characteristics of both.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008. / The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on August 22, 2008) Includes bibliographical references.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2012-04-11Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:06:39Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 missiato_var_me_fran.pdf: 508556 bytes, checksum: 21e51d220895c6def7ae9e5f26c18b32 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Neste trabalho analisamos e comparamos as políticas para a Defesa no Brasil durante os governos Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2008), levando em consideração as relações entre o poder público e os militares no decorrer desses anos. Nos dois períodos, abordamos as questões conjunturais na formação da Política de Defesa Nacional (1996) e do Ministério da Defesa (1999) durante o governo FHC e, no governo Lula, a atualização da PDN (2005) e a publicação da Estratégia Nacional de Defesa (2008). Nesse processo, focamos a posição de militares do Exército sobre os temas referentes à defesa nacional, refletidas nas dissertações dos cursos da Escola de Comando e Estado-Maior do Exército (ECEME), entre os anos 1996-2008. A partir dessas análises, nosso objetivo é identificar a maneira como foram conduzidas as relações civis-militares na Nova República / This work intends to compare and to analyze the Brazilian defense policies during the presidencies of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2008). Our approach will emphasize the conjunctural questions in the formation of Politica de Defesa Nacional (1996) and of the Ministério da Defesa (1999) - during FHC administration -, and during the presidency of Lula we will point out the update of PDN (2005) and the creation of Estratégia Nacional de Defesa (2008). In this process, our focus will be the positions of military personnel from the Army concerning national defense – theme presented in the works developed in Escola de Comando e Estado-Maior do Exército (ECEME) between 1996-2008. From these analyses, our goal is to identify the way were conducted civil-military relations in the new Republic

Submitted by Maike Costa (maiksebas@gmail.com) on 2017-09-13T13:46:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1386639 bytes, checksum: 40a78c3a8c32b1370d1be03e5ca5fcb4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-13T13:46:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1386639 bytes, checksum: 40a78c3a8c32b1370d1be03e5ca5fcb4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-27 / The current social situation is characterized by a significant increase in crime rates, demanding an increasingly effective operation of the agencies responsible for public security. In this context, the military police are seen by the media and by human rights organizations as one of the institutions that are most responsible for violating fundamental rights. Experts argue that one of the causes of such violations is the militarization of the police and the consequent authoritarianism present in their practices, which reveals the need to investigate this phenomenon. Therefore, to effectively understand the institution, it is necessary also to know the views of its members. In this sense, this research investigates the perceptions of military policemen of Paraíba about what is militarism for them and for the organization. It is discussed, then, the existing duality between militarism maintenance discourse and the demilitarization discourse, in order to identify and relate to each other perceptions and positions of the military policemen about the role of militarism for the institution, its positive and negative aspects. Thus, the study was characterized as a field research and documentary research of qualitative nature, being conducted semi-structured interviews with thirty military police. Based on the literature that addresses the issue, it broke the hypothesis that the military police, for the most part, which is composed mainly of soldiers, they see militarism as an inadequate model for the effective performance of the public safety services, since it is filled with relations of domination that prevent the configuration of a truly citizen police. As a result, the hypothesis was confirmed, and also was revealed a clear distinction between the ways of seeing the militarism of the soldiers and the officers. The soldiers reject the militarism widely while the officers only suggest an adaptation of the organization to democratic context without, however, removing the militarized structure. / A atual conjuntura social é caracterizada por um aumento significativo nos índices de criminalidade, demandando uma atuação cada vez mais efetiva dos órgãos responsáveis pela segurança pública. Nesse contexto, as polícias militares são apontadas pela mídia e organizações de defesa dos Direitos Humanos como uma das instituições que mais violam esses direitos fundamentais. Teóricos argumentam que uma das causas de tais violações é a militarização da polícia e consequente autoritarismo presente em suas práticas, o que revela a necessidade de se investigar tal fenômeno. Sendo assim, para se compreender efetivamente a instituição, faz-se necessário conhecer também os pontos de vista dos seus integrantes. Nesse sentido, a presente pesquisa investiga as percepções dos policiais militares da Paraíba acerca do que representa o militarismo para eles e para a organização. Questiona-se, pois, a dualidade existente entre os discursos de manutenção do militarismo e o discurso da desmilitarização, de modo a identificar e relacionar entre si as percepções e posicionamentos dos policiais militares sobre o papel do militarismo para a instituição, seus aspectos positivos e negativos. Assim, o estudo se caracterizou como uma pesquisa de campo e documental de cunho qualitativo, sendo realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com trinta policiais militares, sendo vinte praças e dez oficiais. Com base na literatura que aborda o tema, partiu-se da hipótese de que os policiais militares, em sua maior parte, sendo esta composta majoritariamente por praças, veem o militarismo como um modelo inadequado para uma efetiva prestação dos serviços de Segurança Pública, uma vez que se encontra preenchido por relações de dominação que impedem a configuração de uma polícia realmente cidadã. Como resultados, a hipótese pôde ser comprovada, sendo revelada ainda uma evidente distinção entre os modos de ver o militarismo dos praças e dos oficiais. Os primeiros o rejeitam amplamente enquanto os últimos apenas sugerem uma adaptação da organização ao contexto democrático, sem, contudo, retirar a estrutura militarizada.

Orientador: Héctor Luis Saint-Pierre / Banca: Érica Cristina Alexandre Winand / Banca: Eduardo Mei / Resumo: Neste trabalho analisamos e comparamos as políticas para a Defesa no Brasil durante os governos Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2008), levando em consideração as relações entre o poder público e os militares no decorrer desses anos. Nos dois períodos, abordamos as questões conjunturais na formação da Política de Defesa Nacional (1996) e do Ministério da Defesa (1999) durante o governo FHC e, no governo Lula, a atualização da PDN (2005) e a publicação da Estratégia Nacional de Defesa (2008). Nesse processo, focamos a posição de militares do Exército sobre os temas referentes à defesa nacional, refletidas nas dissertações dos cursos da Escola de Comando e Estado-Maior do Exército (ECEME), entre os anos 1996-2008. A partir dessas análises, nosso objetivo é identificar a maneira como foram conduzidas as relações civis-militares na Nova República / Abstract: This work intends to compare and to analyze the Brazilian defense policies during the presidencies of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2008). Our approach will emphasize the conjunctural questions in the formation of Politica de Defesa Nacional (1996) and of the Ministério da Defesa (1999) - during FHC administration -, and during the presidency of Lula we will point out the update of PDN (2005) and the creation of Estratégia Nacional de Defesa (2008). In this process, our focus will be the positions of military personnel from the Army concerning national defense - theme presented in the works developed in Escola de Comando e Estado-Maior do Exército (ECEME) between 1996-2008. From these analyses, our goal is to identify the way were conducted civil-military relations in the new Republic / Mestre

Orientador: Ediogenes Aragão Santos / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T01:10:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Inacio_FatimaPachecodeSantana_D.pdf: 205029521 bytes, checksum: 5e0312c25a9d06d86af947a1528d72b5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Este texto analisa a formação de professores, realizada no âmbito das políticas públicas decorrentes dos acordos MEC/USAID/UNESCO, no pós Segunda Guerra Mundial, que resultaram na criação dos Centros de Formação de Professores Primários, entre 1961 e 1983, no município de Catalão, Goiás. Estes cursos de formação, de orientação tecnicista na educação, foram iniciados no Governo Mauro Borges após o Golpe Militar de 1964, com o intuito de planejar, racionalizar os investimentos no setor educacional. Os acordos firmados tinham como elemento chave a formação de uma sociedade "massificada" através da democratização da educação, de bens e de consumo para o mercado. O material didático utilizado nesse processo de formação era elaborado por equipes de trabalho orientadas e vinculadas ao Programa Brasileiro-Americano para o Ensino Primário (PABAEE). As especificidades desta formação, em tempo integral, em regime de internato, se propunha a melhorar a produtividade e a qualidade do ensino do 1º grau e Normal. As principais fontes primárias, inéditas, utilizadas nesta pesquisa foram localizadas no arquivo do Núcleo de Estudos e Pesquisas em Educação de Catalão (NEPEDUCA), da Universidade Federal de Goiás (UFG), Campus Catalão, onde pudemos ter acesso aos projetos para instalação dos Centros Experimentais de Formação de Professores, aos planos de cursos, planilhas, avaliações e textos produzidos pelos professores e bolsistas. A análise das referidas fontes evidenciaram conluio de interesses no período de internacionalização da economia brasileira, criando as condições materiais, técnicas e humanas para a execução dos acordos Brasil/USAID. A interpretação das fontes revelaram-nos que as teorias e metodologias usadas pelos Centro reproduzia uma orientação escolanovista, já ultrapassada nos Estados Unidos, mas que passa a ser usada durante a Ditadura Militar como mecanismo de controle social sem recorrer a violência explícita, pois aplicadas nas escolas, lócus de preservação e distribuição cultural. Os relatos dos bolsistas indicam que mudanças foram sutilmente introduzidas alterando seus valores, comportamentos e práticas pedagógicas, assim como sua percepção de escola, da cidade e das relações socioculturais e políticas engendradas entre as instâncias do poder constituído e a sociedade catalana. As representações construídas pelos bolsistas revelam que os conteúdos transmitidos foram assimilados e condicionaram sua percepção de mundo, de sociedade, e que para o bom funcionamento da cidade havia uma hierarquia entre poderes e posições sociais a ser respeitado, sem contestação e cabia ao indivíduo, agora identificado com os valores da pátria, assumir para si os encargos públicos antes atribuídos ao Estado. / Abstract: This text analyses the teacher training, carried out according to the public policies reached in MEC/USAID/UNESCO agreements, in the post Second World War, which resulted in the creation of Primary Teaching Training Centers, from 1961 to 1983, in Catalão, Goiás. These training courses, with technical orientation on education, started to run during Mauro Borges' Government after the Military Coup in 1964, in order to plan and rationalize the investments in education. The key element of the agreements signed, was the formation of a "mass" society through the democratization of education, of material goods and through the acquisition of things, the market. The material used in this teaching process was developed by teams which were orientated and linked to the Brazilian-American Program for the Primary Education (PABAEE). The specifics of this formation which took place in boarding schools in a full-time period aimed to improve the productivity and the quality of the Elementary School and the "Normal" School. The main primary sources used in this research were found in the files of the "Núcleo de Estudos e Pesquisas em Educação de Catalão (NEPEDUCA) (Study and Research Center for Education, in Catalão), located in the Federal University of Goiás (UFG), Catalão Campus, where it was allowed our access not only to the projects to set up the Experimental Centers for Teaching Training, but also to the lesson plans, worksheets, evaluations and texts created by teachers and scholars with a scholarship. The analysis of the aforementioned sources made it quite clear that during the period of internationalization of the Brazilian economy, the technical, human and material conditions were settled in order to reach Brazil / USAID agreement. The interpretation of the sources showed that the theories and methodologies used by the Centers reproduced a "escolanovista" orientation which wasn't popular in the United States anymore, but which started being used during Military Coup as a social control mechanism without the necessity to make use of explicit violence, as applied in schools, locus of cultural preservation and distribution. The scholars with a scholarship reported that changes were subtly introduced altering values, behaviors and pedagogical practices. Their perception of the school, of the city and of the political and socio-cultural relationships engendered between the power which was constituted and the Catalana society was also altered. The representations built by the scholars with a scholarship show that the contents taught were learnt and understood. Their perception of the world, and the society were conditioned and in order to make the city works and operates well there was an hierarchy of power and social positions to be respected, without any kind of objection, and the individuals, now identified according to the values of the homeland, had to take over public charges previously attributed to the State. / Doutorado / Historia, Filosofia e Educação / Doutor em Educação

As issues of gender inequality in the military are addressed, women will continue to fill jobs traditionally occupied by men, and ultimately take on a greater percentage of leadership responsibility. For these reasons, women will remain the fastest growing population within our active duty forces. An increased need for research, advocacy, and resources for programs and services designed specifically for women veterans is necessary in order to prepare for an upsurge in the numbers of women who will be seeking services in the years to come. This research utilized a feminist ethnographic approach for data collection and analysis. Data was collected using mixed methods consisting of an online survey (n=915), telephone interviews with women veterans and community reintegration specialists (n=31), and participant observation at veteran focused events. This study provides an in depth understanding of US women veterans’ experiences both in the military and after, emphasizing the different gendered experiences of participants. Among the many findings, I conclude that women veterans negotiated and performed gender in a way that worked for them within the professional militarized environments that they were a part of. However, upon leaving the military, many experience challenges associated with having to renegotiate gender, often times in civilian workplace settings where traditional aspects of masculinity and femininity are still upheld as societal norms. This research is meant to contribute to a growing body of literature on veteran transition and help fill the existing gap in anthropology of the military on the intersections of gender, gendered role-making, and military service. It will be of interest to lawmakers, policy experts, the Department of Veterans Affairs, and community stakeholders tasked with identifying the short-term and long-term challenges affecting women veterans as they enter civilian life after service, and how to appropriately tailor programs and services to meet the needs of the population.

This research tested the hypothesis that militarization of societies, as defined by the percent of national budgets spent on military expenditures, has adverse effects on women's economic status relative to men's. This study also examined other predictor variables known to affect women's status. Data from sixty different nations were analyzed by means of multiple regression techniques. Results show that the militarization variable increased women's share of agriculture, which suggests that as men are mobilized into military activities, women are left to produce food for the country, a situation which can have contradictory effects on women's economic status. What is more important than militarization in predicting women's economic status relative to men's are high birth rates and sex ratios, which clearly depress women's economic opportunities.

This thesis engages with the relationship between national identity, security-based narratives, and foreign policy. It focuses on the 1982 Lebanon War as the most controversial in Israel's history because it violated the Israeli societal norm of only fighting wars of self-defence (when there is no alternative to war). Through an examination of Israeli films about the 1982 war – Ricochets, Time for Cherries, Cup Final, Waltz with Bashir and Lebanon – this thesis studies the identity crisis experienced by Israelis after the invasion of Lebanon and the coping mechanisms that helped Israeli society reconcile the war with the security-based narratives that inform collective identity in Israel. / Cette thèse a pour objet la relation entre l’identité nationale, les récits sécuritaires et la politique étrangère. Elle se base sur la Guerre du Liban de 1982 en tant que guerre la plus controversée des guerres israéliennes en raison de sa contradiction avec la norme israélienne de seulement mener des guerres de légitime défense (à savoir lorsqu'il n'y a aucun autre recours que la guerre). À travers un examen des films israéliens qui traitent de la guerre de 1982 – Ricochets, Time for Cherries, Cup Final, Waltz with Bashir et Lebanon – cette thèse discute de la crise identitaire vécue par les Israéliens à la suite de l'invasion du Liban et s’intéresse aux stratégies d'adaptation qui ont aidé la société israélienne à réconcilier la guerre avec les récits sécuritaires qui font partie de la construction de l'identité collective israélienne.

This thesis traces the relationship between militarism and geographical thought in the United States during the early Cold War. It does so by traveling across certain spaces, or environments, which preoccupied American geopolitics and American science during the 1940s and 1950s. Indeed, geopolitics and science, understood during the Second World War as markedly distinct terms, came together uniquely to wage the Cold War from the position of strategy. The most intriguing and influential conjunctions were made possible by militarism, not in the deterministic sense of conditioning technologies or funding lines, but as a result of antagonistic, violent practices pervading American life. These practices reaffirmed America's status as distinctly, powerfully modern, while shoring up the burden of global responsibility that appeared to accompany this preeminence. Through militarist reasoning, the American world was turned into an object that needed securing - resulting in a profoundly insecure proliferation of danger that demanded an equal measure of global action and retreat behind new lines of defence. And in these American spaces, whether expanded or compressed, the identity of America itself was defined. From the global horizons of air power and the regional divisions of area studies to the laboratories of continental and civil defence research, the spaces of the American Cold War were material, in the sense that militarism's reach was clearly felt on innumerable human and natural landscapes, not least within the United States. Equally, however, these environments were the product of imaginative geographies, perceptual and representational techniques that inscribed borders, defined hierarchies, and framed populations governmentally. Such conceptions of space were similarly militarist, not least because they drew from the innovations of Second World War social science to reframe the outlines of a Cold War world. Militarism's methods redefined geographical thought and its spaces, prioritizing certain locations and conventions while marginalizing others. Strategic studies formed a key component of the social sciences emboldened by the successes and excesses of wartime science. As social scientists grappled with the contradictions of mid-century modernity, most retreated behind the formidable theories of their more accomplished academic relatives, and many moved into the laboratories previously associated with these same intellectual stalwarts. The result was that at every scale, geography was increasingly simulated, a habit that paralleled the abstractions concurrently promoted in the name of political decisiveness. But simulation also meant that Cold War spaces were more than the product of intangible musings; they were constructed, and in the process acquired solidity but also simplicity. It was in the fashioning of artificial environments that the fragility of strategy was revealed most fully, but also where militarism's power could be most clearly expressed. The term associated with this paradoxical condition was 'frontier', a zone of fragile, transformational activity. Enthusiastic Cold Warriors were fond of transferring this word from a geopolitical past to a scientific future. But in their present, frontiers possessed the characteristics of both. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate