My research provides an insider's view of how political consensus is formed within the business community. More specifically, my research sheds light on the sociological processes of political mobilization within the business community against the Clinton Health Security Act of 1994. In this study, I build off Jill Quadagno's stakeholder thesis which largely attributes the defeat of the healthcare reform effort to the political mobilization of anti-healthcare business forces. I probe Quadagno's thesis a bit deeper in this study by exploring how conflicting business forces resolved policy disagreements on the merits of healthcare reform in order to arrive at the position of unity necessary for its political mobilization against the effort.

Background: Osteoarthritis (OA) in the knee is one of the most common joint diseases in the world. The symptoms include local joint pain, joint stiffness, crepitation etc. Treatment follows national clinical guidelines which includes patient education, exercise and weight loss. Manual therapy can be used as an additional treatment and has shown a positive effect on pain, range of motion (ROM) and function but the method is not studied enough. Purpose: To investigate the effect of manual mobilization with the OMT Nordic System method as a complement to exercise and patient education for patients with knee OA on pain, Quality of Life (QoL) and ROM. Method: A Single subject experimental design study with 4 participants was conducted. Participants underwent a standardized patient education followed by a 6-week baseline of physical exercise, then a 3-week intervention phase which added manual therapy of the knee joint two times a week for the entire phase. The data was analysed regarding changes in both trend and level. Result: All participants had a significant positive change in level of pain and one participant had a positive change in trend. QoL varied among the participants, two had no change in level, one had a significantly positive change and one had a significantly negative change. Only one participant had a positive change of trend in QoL. ROM increased significantly in level in three out of four participants and the trend changed positively among two of the participants Conclusion: This study indicates that OMT Nordic system as a complement to physical exercise and patient education have a positive effect on pain and ROM in patients with knee OA in the short term. However, since not both level and trend were all over significant the result lacks in significance. Due to the study’s design the results should not be generalized on a group level. To be able to draw general conclusions further studies needs to investigate the effect of the OMT Nordic System with more participants and in different settings.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

Aqueous silica is present in all natural waters and exhibits a high affinity for the surfaces of iron oxides. Therefore, it is expected to play an important role in environmental systems. Experiments were conducted to investigate the fundamentals of silica sorption onto pre-formed ferric hydroxide at pH 5.0-9.5 and silica concentrations of 0-200 mg/L as SiO₂. Over the entire pH range studied, sorption densities exceeding monolayer sorption were observed at silica levels typical of natural waters. Under some circumstances, sorption exceeded a monolayer while the particle zeta potential remained positive, a phenomenon which is inconsistent with available models. To address this deficiency, an extended surface complexation model was formulated in which soluble dimeric silica sorbs directly to iron surface sites. This model fits sorption density data up to 0.40 mol SiO₂/mol Fe, and it accurately predicts trends in zeta potential and the observed H⁺ release during silica sorption to ferric hydroxide at pH 5.0 and 6.0. A second phase of research was aimed at identifying the practical implications of silica sorption to iron hydroxide in natural and engineered systems. Two types of surfaces were prepared by exposing pre-formed Fe(OH)₃ to aqueous silica (0-200 mg/L as SiO₂) for periods of 1.5 hours or 50 days. The concentration of pre-formed iron passing through a 0.45 micron pore size filter at pH 6.0-9.5 increased as the solids aged in the presence of silica. Consistent with formation of small, stable colloids, "soluble" iron concentrations exceeded 0.2 mg/L only at zeta potentials <span style="text-decoration:underline"><</span> -15 mV. When arsenate was added to iron hydroxide particles equilibrated with silica for 1.5 hours, percentage arsenate removals were high. In contrast, arsenate removals decreased markedly as pH and silica concentrations increased if silica was pre-equilibrated with the iron for 50 days. Trends in percentage removal of humic substances were similar. Competition for sorption sites was the main cause of hindered anionic contaminant removal. However, interference with hydrolysis and precipitation are expected to be important under some circumstances, particularly during water treatment. / Master of Science

A return to the principles of globalism, strong anticommunism, and containment does not appear to be in the best interests of the United States at the present time. The priorities of this administration, a resolve to reassert American global leadership, protect interests worldwide, and contain the Soviet Union are predicated on principles of hegemony and preponderance that were short-lived and are now long gone. The United States is no longer the only viable political and economic leader as once was the case. Through the post-war reconstruction and revitalization engineered by the United States, Japan, West Germany, South Korea as well as many other nations have become economic rivals if not superiors (as is the case with Japan in many sectors). Yet, the defense policies of the Reagan administration take into account neither the diminished ability of the United States to enforce order in the world system, as evinced in an independent European Community and the existence of OPEC, nor the reluctance of the members of the system itself to continue as pawns in a"'grand strategy"' of a U.S.-dominated world order. The present decentralized structure of power and the beneficial relationships this structure now holds for previously subserviant nations who now need not rely on the United States as"'world benefactor"' are factors that mitigate the impact of U.S. leadership. / M.A.

Women's organizations in informal settlements located in peri-urban areas of Peruvian Amazon cities have been carrying out programs for solving nutrition, food, health, and income generation problems in their communities. This is a way of women's local action of self-help and self-reliance to transform their marginalized ways of living. This study focuses on two factors in the scope of women's organizations: (1) to examine what causes household participation in women's organizations. (2) To explore what type of women's empowerment leads to social development, assuming that women go through a process of empowerment as a result of their participation in women's organizations. The study data consists of a case study in one informal settlement in Pucallpa, 9 de Octubre, and key-informant interviews of women participating in women's organizations, and life histories of four women leaders. The quantitative analysis focuses on three hypotheses: (1) Single women-headed households participate more frequently in women's organizations than men-headed households. (2) Households with children under six years old are more likely to participate in women's organizations than households without. (3) Households in remote locations of the informal settlement are more likely to participate in women's organizations. The qualitative analysis focuses in three areas: (1) women's roles as community managers, (2) women's organizations as agents to produce structural change and (3) the relationship between women's organizations and women's empowerment. Findings cast doubt upon the first hypothesis by showing that single women-headed households were not economically vulnerable as it was expected and that their participation in women's organizations was not as frequent as the participation of men-headed households. Furthermore, men-headed households seem to benefit more from women's organizations than single women-headed households. The presence of children does not predict participation in women's organizations. Also, it is interesting that households in more remote and inaccessible locations seem to participate more in women's organizations. The study develops the argument that women's organizations, which bring in knowledge and more than partial problem-solving solutions, contribute to women's empowerment and household change that lead to social development. The study concludes that the types of empowerment that lead to social development are the cultural, and social because they are the ones that are more effective in bringing changes at the household and community levels. However, the economic empowerment should not be disregarded and should be considered in the formula because it provides one of the prime needs of urban poor women: income in their household. / Master of Urban and Regional Planning

The purpose of this study is to investigate long-term trends in the union membership of South Africa and Germany, and to highlight trends in unionisation in both of these countries over a period of time. The long-term aspect of this study differentiates it from more detailed specific studies concerned with the individual fortunes of confederations or unions. The changing fortunes of trade unions have been associated with changes in work organisation, the influence of institutional pressures, or long term changes in the economic cycle. All these factors may, of course, shape and be shaped by each other. From a comparative perspective this dissertation determines whether the fortunes of unions are ultimately a product of the long waves of an economic cycle, or if other factors, such as variations in union/state relations, changes in the forms of work organisation and shifts in the employment market, impact upon union membership and mobilisation. It is hoped that the comparison of a transitional and an advanced economy may shed new light on the causes of union growth and decline, and the impact of specific social, legal and cultural variables thereon. The theoretical frame of reference for this study emerged from literature pertaining to union growth and decline. This literature discusses the historical, economic and sectoral challenges that confront the identity of unions and their ability to mobilise membership within contemporary labour markets. The entire study relies heavily on primary data collected from a wide range of sources in both countries. This method facilitates the comparison and cross-checking of information, which ensures a full and balanced study. A synthesis of the facts obtained led to certain suggestions relating to the areas in which both South African and German labour organisations could adapt their agenda and interests to the changing nature of the employment market in order to avert membership decline. The methodology of this research draws from Skopol’s work which argues that social studies ought to be grounded in historical experience in order to make sense out of specific social events that occur today. The research design utilises an initial comparative historical-political analysis of the emergence of unionism in South Africa and Germany, so as to establish those factors which have, in the past, affected union growth and decline in both countries. Thereafter, the impact of contemporary economic and sectoral trends that reoccur in the South African and German labour markets are examined and compared, in order to establish their influence on the growth or decline of union membership in both countries in the future. This study consists of four sections. The first section comprises a historical dimension that uses Valenzuela’s work relating to the political nature of labour movements to establish those factors which, in the past, have affected union growth and decline. This is done to determine whether the type of insertion of labour movements into historical national political processes, and the links formed between trade unions and political parties influences membership growth or decline. The following three sections deal with the present challenges that may affect the unions in the future. Section Two deals with factors of economic recession (namely, poverty and unemployment) which confront trade unions in the 1990s. Hyman’s Theory of Disaggregation is applied to determine if recessive socio-economic factors can account for the strength of decline of unions, as opposed to union mobilisation being purely linked to transitions between long waves of the economy as Kelly suggests. The relevance of these theories to the rise and decline of unionism in South Africa and Germany is compared and contrasted. The third section determines whether changes to more flexible forms of work organisation and shifts in the employment market can account for the contrasting strength of the South African labour movement and the decline of the German labour movement today. The way in which these issues impact negatively upon union strength in South Africa and Germany in the 1990s is compared and contrasted, again using Hyman’s Theory of Disaggregation. The final section establishes whether or not the roles adopted by the South African and German labour movements during their confrontation with labour repressive regimes impacts upon their ability to attract union membership today, despite the constraints imposed upon unions by prevailing economic and structural uncertainties. Therefore the historicity of the South African and German labour movements, (based upon the findings of the first part of this study), is referred back to. At the same time, the reactions of the South African and German labour movements to prevailing economic and structural realities, (as examined in the second part of this research) are re-examined. Three conclusions are reached. Firstly, regardless of their strengths or weaknesses, all labour organisations are capable of adjusting to the adverse changes taking place in contemporary employment markets if they prove willing to advance and defend the interests of all who work, including those in the informal sector. If unions continue to neglect the informal labour market, they run the risk of being transposed by social movements that are antagonistic to trade unions or new expressions of the workforce’s latent collectivism. Secondly, in successfully playing a social movement role that led to the downfall of Apartheid in 1994, the South African labour movement has evolved as an energetic body with a dimension of recumbent militancy that attempts to adapt its identity to the changing nature of the employment market. This enables the South African labour movement to continue to attract membership despite the prevailing economic uncertainties. In contrast, forced co-operation and consensus within the German industrial relations arena since World War Two has resulted in a less dynamic union movement that lacks initiative in adapting to the changing nature of the employment market. The result is a decline in unionism. Finally, the fortunes of unions are not, as Kelly suggests, purely a product of economic cycles. Political climates can also influence mobilisation, as has occurred in both South Africa and Germany. This implies that mobilisation is not only activated by the economic dissatisfaction of a union movement.

Orientador: Andreia Galvão / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-13T21:21:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Parton_BenjaminJohn_M.pdf: 2832470 bytes, checksum: 672c6e2b3a06d165698eae9ffbf189cc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: O trabalho no segmento de fast-food, juntamente com os demais segmentos do setor de serviços, cresceu exponencialmente nos últimos 20 anos na Nova Zelândia e no Brasil. Sua forma de emprego é conhecida pela alta rotatividade e intensidade de trabalho; pelos baixos salários; pela juventude da sua mão de obra; e pela ausência de organização sindical. Diferentemente da tendência global, os trabalhadores de fast-food na Nova Zelândia e em São Paulo são representados por sindicatos que foram fundados após o início do processo de abertura econômica nos anos 1980 e 1990. Na Nova Zelândia, o sindicato Unite conseguiu formar uma base entre trabalhadores de fast-food que se filiaram a ele e pagam suas contribuições sindicais voluntariamente. As ações coletivas do sindicato buscam apoio público usando a notoriedade das marcas de fast-food para chamar atenção para sua causa. Desta forma, o sindicato pressionou as grandes empresas de fast-food, e exigiu que o governo aumentasse os mínimos legais que definem as condições de trabalho no setor. Já o Sindicato dos Trabalhadores nas Empresas de Refeições Rápidas (Fast-Food) de São Paulo foi estabelecido em 1996 através do desmembramento da base do sindicato de hotéis e restaurantes na cidade. O novo sindicato negociou uma Convenção Coletiva de Trabalho que baixou os salários e as condições de trabalho no setor para valores próximos aos mínimos legais, reduzindo assim os custos de trabalho das grandes marcas de fast-food na cidade. Palavras-chave: restaurantes de refeições ligeiras; trabalho; sindicalismo; mobilização / Abstract: Labor in the fast-food industry, along with other segments of the service sector, has grown exponentially over the last 20 years in New Zealand and in Brazil. Employment in the industry is characterized by: high staff turnover; an intense working environment; low pay; a young workforce; and the absence of trade union organization. Different to the norms in this globalized sector, fast-food workers in New Zealand and São Paulo are represented by unions established after the commencement of economic liberalization programs of the 1980s and 1990s. In New Zealand, the Unite union was able to establish a membership base amongst fast-food workers who joined the union and voluntarily paid membership fees. The collective actions of the union sought public support using the profile of fast-food brands to attract attention to their cause. In this way, the union pressured large fast-food companies, and demanded that the government raise the legal minimums that define working conditions in the sector. The Fast-Food Workers' Union of São Paulo was established in 1996 through dismembering the membership base of the hotel and restaurant workers union in the city. The new union negotiated an employment award for fast-food workers that lowered pay and working conditions to close to the legal minimums, thus reducing the labor costs of large fast-food brands in São Paulo. Keywords: fast-food restaurants; labor; trade-unionism; mobilization / Mestrado / Mestre em Ciência Política