Why do women protest? Why do women protest “as women”? Why do some women participate in protests but not others? In the wake of the Women’s March of 2017, perhaps the largest single day protest event in history, these questions are particularly timely and deserve scholarly attention. One important but understudied and undertheorized motivation for women’s protests is state sanctioned violence, particularly repression. This dissertation explicitly theorizes about how state perpetration of violence, particularly state use of repression, both motivates and shapes women’s protests on a global scale. In this dissertation, I argue that one key motivation for women’s protest is repression by the state, and I theorize that women will protest more frequently when the state uses repression. Repression negatively impacts members of the population, particularly relatives, friends, and communities of those targeted by the state, and this motivates those people to protest. However, I argue that the type of repression, and more specifically how gendered the state practices repression, matters. The more that gender plays a role in determining who states target with repression, the more gender matters in the societal response to repression. In particular, I examine the use of forced disappearances. Based on historical and contemporary accounts, I show that forced disappearance largely targets males, and thus motivates women’s protests but has no effect on protests by other groups. When the state makes use of forced disappearances, some women are motivated to protest due to their connections to victims of repression. Furthermore, opportunities to protest in these circumstances are more available to women than to men, due to their relatively lower likelihood of being targeted, as well as women’s distinctive positions in society and their ability to organize themselves as women. Not only do women have additional space relative to men to protest when the state is repressive, but individual women recognize that their gender can serve as a resource in such contexts. Thus, individual women are more likely to participate in protests themselves when the state uses repression, closing the gender gap in protest participation between men and women. I test my theory of women’s protest using two unique approaches. First, utilizing unique new data on women’s protests that is globally comprehensive for all countries from 1990-2009, I show that women’s protests are more frequent when the state is repressive, and that forced disappearances in particular motivate women’s protests, specifically, but do not have an observable effect on general protests. Second, I utilize regionally comprehensive data on citizens in Latin America from 2006 and 2008 to show that women are more likely to participate in protests when the state uses forced disappearances, but that men are not more likely to participate in protests in repressive contexts.

<p>The results and the analysis of this essay are based on an empirical study of women groups in Babati District in Tanzania from 2005. The study has shown that the reason for women in Babati to organize themselves is to overcome traditional and structural obstacles that restrict women’s economical integration. Through the creation of social networks and a common source of income within the group, women are trying to strengthen their position within the household and in society. The significance of empowerment on an individual level is the sense of abilities in everyday life and the feeling of increased options.</p><p>Social mobilization means that individuals come together and with united strengths and according to a common interest are trying to fulfil articulated goals. Local women groups in Babati and the social mobilization they constitute are seeking, through their agency to influence their social and economical situation. It can also mean challenging the structural conditions and increase women’s capacity of action. This kind of agency at a group level is extremely important for the capability of articulating own goals and creating prosperity, to feel in charge of one’s life conditions.</p><p>Aim: The aim for this study is, by using an empowerment approach to examine how women groups in Babati District in Tanzania organize themselves and how the members through their agency are influencing the social conditions and economical possibilities for women in the area. What are the effects of social mobilization in Babati for the individual woman? How can women’s agency contribute to structural changes and help women to overcome traditional obstacles?</p>

This dissertation deals with three different studies of rural women in northern Sweden and Wisconsin, USA. All three of them aim at identify and elucidate pertinent aspects of women's lives in rural areas. In the first study, The Åsele study, women's work and free time activities are in the focus of investigation. The second, The Leading Light study, deals more explicitly with obstacles and problems that women meet with when trying to improve their living conditions and, finally, the Wisconsin study deals with the ways rural women organize their everyday lives. More specifically, while all three studies assume a gender and mode-of-living perspective, cultural issues, the relations between structure- agent and questions concerning the organization of everyday life receive separate treatment. Mostly qualitative methods are used in collecting data, including interviews and essays. Also questionnaires are used in order to gain a comprehensive picture of certain areas, such as activities and aspirations within the field of leisure. In the last study a reanalysis of an archived interview material, built on oral life histories, is used. The results give a complex and nuanced picture of women's lives in these areas. The farm women in the Wisconsin study have a heavy work load and contribute in different ways to the maintenance of the family. Their productive work is, however, made invisible in official statistics. The Åsele study gives a picture of a woman, who is not demanding anything special for herself, but is adapting to the traditional gender structures. Her life is organized around her home, her husband and her children. The young women intend to leave this area, which is one of the problems that the local politicians have to deal with. In the Leading light study, finally, it is above all the male representatives at the local governmental level that impede the women's ideas and ignore their propositions for change. Despite official signals of decentralisation of decision making, the bureaucratic structures seem to strengthen at the local level. Most of the women in this study praise life in the country side. The rural ideology also comprises a positive view of this mode of living. While the rural ideology is a entire male construction, the female conditions have to be problematized. This has been done in this thesis. / digitalisering@umu

The origin of voluntary organizations has not been studied much in sociology. This study develops a three-phase model of a voluntary organization origin and three case studies are conducted to try out the model. The aim of the study is to describe and analyze the birth of a voluntary organization and its development. The empiric material has been gathered in three voluntary organizations from the mid-80'ies. The organizations are Noaks Ark (working with HIV), 5i12-rörelsen (working with refugees) and Farsor och Morsor på Stan (working with teenagers in Stockholm city). All three organizations still exist. The empiric material has been collected though interviews and other written materials. The theoretical model is divided into three phases, the preorigin phase, the phase of origin and the maturity phase. Each phase has its special character and there is no automatic transference to the next phase. In the first phase - the preorigin phase - the key notion is the entrepreneur or the agitator. The entrepreneur or the agitator sees a problem in society. Often this is coupled with a personal experience of the problem and a desire to do something about it. They gather more knowledge in the area, meet other people and develop an idea of how to solve the problem. In the phase of origin the key notion is the organizer. The leader has to have knowledge of organizing; how to organize people and how to mobilize resources. The organizers are often charismatic and use their charisma to gather people around their idea. In the maturity phase all the distinctive marks of a voluntary organizations can be seen. The key notion is the members' need for security and continuity. The members can also develop a personal need for the organization. The dependence on the founder or the leader decreases in significance, and bureaucracy is developed. Forces outside and inside the organization influence the voluntary organization and it is shaped by its history and surrounding. It is argued that the emergence of a voluntary organization is dependent on three things that has to coincide, discontent and an idea how to relieve it, resources and an organizer. The empiric findings support the three-phase model. In theory the phases are distinctive but in the case studies the phases could overlap.

The results and the analysis of this essay are based on an empirical study of women groups in Babati District in Tanzania from 2005. The study has shown that the reason for women in Babati to organize themselves is to overcome traditional and structural obstacles that restrict women’s economical integration. Through the creation of social networks and a common source of income within the group, women are trying to strengthen their position within the household and in society. The significance of empowerment on an individual level is the sense of abilities in everyday life and the feeling of increased options. Social mobilization means that individuals come together and with united strengths and according to a common interest are trying to fulfil articulated goals. Local women groups in Babati and the social mobilization they constitute are seeking, through their agency to influence their social and economical situation. It can also mean challenging the structural conditions and increase women’s capacity of action. This kind of agency at a group level is extremely important for the capability of articulating own goals and creating prosperity, to feel in charge of one’s life conditions. Aim: The aim for this study is, by using an empowerment approach to examine how women groups in Babati District in Tanzania organize themselves and how the members through their agency are influencing the social conditions and economical possibilities for women in the area. What are the effects of social mobilization in Babati for the individual woman? How can women’s agency contribute to structural changes and help women to overcome traditional obstacles?

The term ‘knowledge mobilization intermediary’ (KMI) is used to describe third party organizations whose role between research producers and users is a catalyst for knowledge mobilization (KM) - targeted, systematic efforts to increase connections between research, policy and practice in public services. This study analyzes 44 Canadian KMIs in education exploring types (governmental, not-for-profit, for profit, and membership), organizational features (mission, scope, target audience, size, resources, membership composition) and processes (message, strategies, functions, dissemination mechanisms). This study maps the landscape of research mediation in education and reports on these findings using a multiple-paper format. The introductory chapter sets the stage for the papers by providing the background of the study and introducing the concept of knowledge mobilization. The first conceptual paper provides a typology of KMIs and a framework of knowledge brokering characteristics with seven elements (mission, resources, staff roles, political affiliation, autonomy, message, and linkages). The second paper reports on an approach to measuring and comparing KM efforts of diverse organizations using a common matrix of elements arising from the research utilization literature: KM strategies (products, events and networks) and KM indicators as they relate to strategies (different types, ease of use, accessibility, focus of audience and so on). The third paper outlines what KMIs exist in Canada, their organizational features, and reports on their activities, ultimately providing a typology of brokering strategies utilized in research mediation and a framework of eight major brokering functions used to increase research use and its impact: awareness, accessibility, engagement, capacity building, implementation support, facilitating linkages and partnerships, policy influence and organizational development. The fourth paper presents empirical findings of online practices of KMIs such as blogging and microblogging, social networking, social bookmarking, multimedia, share buttons on websites, and RSS feeds. Overall, use of social media is not pervasive and, when it is used, the content is often not research-based. The concluding chapter synthesizes the findings in relation to each research question, summarizes the implications arising from each paper, and makes recommendations for research producers, users and intermediaries across public service sectors.

The term ‘knowledge mobilization intermediary’ (KMI) is used to describe third party organizations whose role between research producers and users is a catalyst for knowledge mobilization (KM) - targeted, systematic efforts to increase connections between research, policy and practice in public services. This study analyzes 44 Canadian KMIs in education exploring types (governmental, not-for-profit, for profit, and membership), organizational features (mission, scope, target audience, size, resources, membership composition) and processes (message, strategies, functions, dissemination mechanisms). This study maps the landscape of research mediation in education and reports on these findings using a multiple-paper format. The introductory chapter sets the stage for the papers by providing the background of the study and introducing the concept of knowledge mobilization. The first conceptual paper provides a typology of KMIs and a framework of knowledge brokering characteristics with seven elements (mission, resources, staff roles, political affiliation, autonomy, message, and linkages). The second paper reports on an approach to measuring and comparing KM efforts of diverse organizations using a common matrix of elements arising from the research utilization literature: KM strategies (products, events and networks) and KM indicators as they relate to strategies (different types, ease of use, accessibility, focus of audience and so on). The third paper outlines what KMIs exist in Canada, their organizational features, and reports on their activities, ultimately providing a typology of brokering strategies utilized in research mediation and a framework of eight major brokering functions used to increase research use and its impact: awareness, accessibility, engagement, capacity building, implementation support, facilitating linkages and partnerships, policy influence and organizational development. The fourth paper presents empirical findings of online practices of KMIs such as blogging and microblogging, social networking, social bookmarking, multimedia, share buttons on websites, and RSS feeds. Overall, use of social media is not pervasive and, when it is used, the content is often not research-based. The concluding chapter synthesizes the findings in relation to each research question, summarizes the implications arising from each paper, and makes recommendations for research producers, users and intermediaries across public service sectors.

För att mycket snabbt kunna komma på plats vid en kris, har Europa inom ramen för EU börjat upprättasnabbinsatsstyrkor, såkallade EU Battle Groups. En EU Battle Group kommer att ha en mycket kort tid på sig frånbeslut till insats. I samband med att Sverige engagerat sig i EU militära samarbete tog Sverige huvudansvaret för enav de Battle Groups som skall upprättas, den såkallade Nordic Battle Group. Sverige har vid tidigare insatser visatatt det är mycket svårt att snabbt få förband på plats i ett insatsområde. Materielen är ofta det som varitgränssättande för när förbandet skall bli operativt vid en insats.Uppsatsens syfte är att ge ett svar på hur stridsfordon till svenska snabbinsatsförband som står i beredskap börförvaras för att skapa de bästa förutsättningarna vid en insats.Metoden för uppsatsen är ett antal frågeställningar, där svar söks genom en fallstudie med två olikaförvaringsprinciper. Kvalitativa intervjuer, studiebesök, litteratur- och dokumentstudier samt entillförlitlighetsförstärkande enkät har använts. Teoriansatsen som ligger till grund är, Förvarsmaktens riktlinjer förförvaring av förnödenheter och den israeliske militärlogistikern Moshe Kress, hur status på förnödenheterupprätthålls.Resultatet visar att svenska snabbinsatsförband bör ha stridsfordon förrådställda under beredskap. Men att hastridsfordonen ute vid förbandet är också en fullt möjlig förvaringsprincip.Det vetenskapliga bidraget i uppsatsen är att modellen kan ligga till grund för att jämföra förvaringsprinciper förannan typ av materiel till snabbinsatsförband. / In order to be rapidly in place in crises, Europe has within the framework of EU, started toestablish rapid reaction units, so-called EU Battle Groups. An EU Battle Group will have avery short time from decision to mission. As Sweden has become more involved in EUmilitary cooperation, it has assumed main responsibility for one of the Battle Groups to beestablished, the so-called Nordic Battle Group. Sweden has in earlier missions, shown that itis very hard to get units quickly in place in an area of responsibility. Equipment is often thecrucial factor in getting the unit operational in a mission.The purpose of this essay is to find an answer to how the combat vehicles for Swedish unitsshould be stored to get the best conditions for a mission when in the state of alert.The method for the essay is a number of questions, where the answers will be found thru acase study of two different principles of storage. Also, qualitative interviews, educationalvisits, literature and document studies have been used including a reliability reinforcementquestionnaire. The basis for the theoretical approach is the Swedish Armed Forces’ guidingprinciples for storage of supplies, and the Israeli military logistician Moshe Kress’s theory onhow to maintain the status of supplies.The result shows that Swedish units should have their combat vehicles kept in storage duringa state of alert. However, having combat vehicles within the units is also a possible principleof storage.The scientific contribution in the essay is that the model described can be used to compareprinciples of storage for other types of equipment for rapid reaction units. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 04-06

Efter kalla kriget har den generella hotbilden ändrat karaktär. Stater och samarbetsorganisationeragerar olika mot de nya hoten. Avsikten med uppsatsen är att utifrån ett sjömaktsperspektiv undersökaoch diskutera hur utvecklingen av de svenska sjöstridskrafterna, särskilt internationella korvettstyrkan(IKS), förhåller sig till den hotbild och de samarbetsmönster som framträder idag. Följande frågorligger till grund för uppsatsen:1) Hur kan nya typer av hot hanteras inom sjöarenan?2) Vilka nya samarbetsmönster kan urskiljas inom sjöarenan och hur förhåller sig Sverige till dessa?3) I vilken mån är svenska sjöstridskrafter, särskilt korvettstyrkan, användbara i den nuvarandehotmiljön och i förhållande till de nya samarbetsmönster som kan urskiljas?Den teori som används är modellen sjökrigets metoder, som huvudsakligen grundar sig på amiral Alfred T Mahan och Sir Julian Corbetts teorier om hur att vinna krig till sjöss.Metoden är litteraturstudier, som omfattar: nya typer av hot, IKS, NATO operation Active Endeavouroch samarbetsorganisationer. Beskrivningarna analyseras och tolkas och diskuteras slutligen motbakgrund av uppsatsens syfte. Följande slutsatser utgör mina svar på frågorna:• Nya typer av hot kan effektivast hanteras genom dominerande närvaro, power projection• Samarbetsmönster för framgångsrik insats mot nya hot tycks vara allianser eller koalitioner.• Svenska sjöstridskrafter behärskar erfordliga sjökrigsmetoder och besitter förutsättningar attbekämpa nya typer av hot i maritima säkerhetsoperationer. / Since the Cold War, new kinds of threats have occurred, to which states and organisations reactdifferently. Looking from a sea power perspective, the aim of this essay is to examine and discuss howSwedish naval units, specifically the Swedish international corvette unit (SwICU), can adapt to thenew threat situation and new patterns of cooperation that occur today. The thesis is based on thefollowing questions:1) How can new kinds of maritime threats be handled?2) What new patterns of cooperation occur in the maritime arena and how does Sweden relate to these?3) In what way are Swedish naval units, specifically the SwICU, useful in a new threat environmentand in relation to other cooperation patterns?The theory used in this essay, with which to analyse the research, is the compiled methodical summaryof the Methods of Combat at Sea, mainly based on admiral Alfred T Mahan’s and Sir Julian Corbett’stheories on how to win wars at sea.The method used is to study literature, which comprises: the new kinds of threats, SwICU, NATOoperation Active Endeavour and organisations. Each part of the studies is analysed and interpreted andfinally discussed as regards the aim of the essay. The following main conclusions form answers to thequestions:• New kinds of threats are best handled with dominant presence, power projection.• Successful patterns of cooperation seem to be different alliances or coalitions.• Swedish naval units do possess the required methods for fighting new kinds of threats and areable to contribute to a maritime security operation. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 04-06

This study examines whether social media had an influence on the revolution in Egypt. Social media was an important tool for the revolution since the president Hosni Mubarak and the Egyptian regime strictly controls the media. However social media was not the determining factor for the revolution, the revolt evolved due to many underlying factors. Social media facilitated communication, made the mobilization effective and, spread information to the inhabitants and to the rest of the world. The authors are discussing this theme from the new institutionalism perspective, democracy- and revolutionary theories and based on six selected interview persons; activists, researchers and journalists.