Ma recherche propose d’apporter des connaissances qualitatives sur les parcours et modes d’engagements religieux et politiques des individus actifs au sein de diverses associations musulmanes à Genève. L’objectif porte sur l’interrogation du sens dynamique donné à cette activité, lié à l’apport de connaissances empiriques. Les injonctions morales multiples et contraignantes ainsi que les stigmatisations auxquelles sont soumises les sujets de la figure historique « musulmans » en Europe nous amènent à poser une question centrale de recherche : comment ce cadre de pensée et d’action influence aujourd’hui les formes de mobilisation des acteur-trice-s de l’islam ? Pour tenter de répondre à cette question, nous proposons de nous pencher sur les parcours d’engagement et sur les trajectoires de vie des acteur-trice-s, sur le rapport qu’ils/elles entretiennent avec la religion musulmane et sur la manière dont ils expriment et valorisent leur islamité en lien avec une visibilité dans l’espace public. / My research proposes to bring qualitative knowledge on the paths and modes of religious and political commitments of individuals active within various Muslim associations in Geneva. The objective is to question the meaning given to this activity, linked to the contribution of empirical knowledge. The multiple and binding moral injunctions and the stigmatization of subjects of the historical "Muslim" figure in Europe lead us to ask a central question of research : how this framework of thought and action influences the forms of Mobilization of the actors of Islam? To try to answer this question, we propose to look at the paths of engagement and the life trajectories of the actor-s, their relationship with "visibility" and the Muslim religion and how they express and value their Islam and their presense in the public space.

O objetivo desta investigação foi identificar alguns aspectos da perspectiva da população pouco escolarizada na análise sobre as políticas atuais de educação de jovens e adultos no Brasil, em relação com as dimensões de experiência, informação e interpretação. Trata-se de pesquisa qualitativa, de tipo estudo de caso instrumental, realizada no bairro Jardim João XXIII, no Distrito Raposo Tavares, pertencente à subprefeitura do Butantã, zona oeste do Município de São Paulo, capital paulista. Para a identificação dos informantes-chave de nossa pesquisa, recorremos à técnica da bola-de-neve, a partir da qual realizamos observações, diálogos informais e entrevistas. A pesquisa de campo foi realizada entre o segundo semestre de 2016 e o início de 2018. Os resultados da pesquisa de campo foram analisados a partir de sua relação com os indicadores sociais gerais, com a literatura do campo das políticas de EJA, sobretudo dos estudos de Paulo Freire, Celso de Rui Beisiegel, Miguel Arroyo, Sérgio Haddad e Maria Clara Di Pierro, no campo das políticas educacionais, especificamente no que tange à democratização do ensino e às potencialidades da instituição escolar, nortearam nossa análise os estudos de José Mário Pires Azanha e de Paulo Freire, no campo das discussões sobre território, recorremos às formulações de Milton Santos, e, sobre a relação entre Estado estrito e sociedade civil, nos reportamos à noção de senso comum, de Antonio Gramsci. Como conclusões de pesquisa, podemos destacar o não reconhecimento da população pouco escolarizada como sendo credora do Estado, relacionado à forte influência do senso comum, informado pela explicação folclórica da falta de interesse dos educandos; a ausência de comunicação institucional entre governos e a população sobre a oferta de cursos da modalidade como uma das manifestações da marginalidade da modalidade nas agendas governamentais e a premência da garantia de sobrevivência como principais fatores que incidem sobre a baixa procura pelos cursos da modalidade. Em relação à atuação da instituição escolar nesse contexto, permanece a limitação da atratividade de seus cursos, relacionada a fatores internos à instituição, como proposta curricular, organização dos tempos escolares e organização escolar, pouco sensível às condições de vida e expectativas dessa população. Considerando o conceito freireano de politicidade da educação, evidenciou-se a necessidade de que a instituição escolar e também os movimentos sociais vinculados ao direito a educação articulem-se de forma efetiva às lideranças locais e movimentos sociais de outras áreas, com o objetivo de subsidiar e mobilizar ações reivindicatórias de uma ação intersetorial sistemática por parte dos governos a fim de implementar uma política nacional de EJA que, sendo reflexo das necessidades das classes populares, torne-se de fato atrativa e ofereça condições de permanência aos educandos. / The purpose of this study was to examine some facets of the point of view of people with little formal education concerning the analysis of current education policies referred to theYouth and Adult Education (EJA acronym in Portuguese) program in Brazil with regard to the spheres ofknowledge acquisition, information and comprehension. We made use of an instrumental case study-like qualitative research, which was carried out in Jardim João XXIII, Raposo Tavares District, which is subordinated to the subprefecture of Butantã, located in the west side of the city of Sao Paulo. In order to obtain the key-informants of this research, we utilized the snowball sampling technique, from which we made observations, collected informal conversations and carried out interviews. The field research was held between the second semester of 2016 and the beginning of 2018. Its results werescrutinized starting from its relationship with overall social indicators, literature on Young and Adult Education policies, especially those related to Paulo Freire, Celso de Rui Beisiegel, Miguel Arroyo, Sérgio Haddad and Maria Clara Di Pierro referred to educational policies, mainly when it comes to the democratization of education and the potential of school institutions. Additionally, aiming to corroborate our study, we have supported it with works by José Mário Pires Azanha and Paulo Freire. In the field of discussions on territory, we havedrawn on the conceptualizations by Milton Santos; and finally, in terms of the relationship between the state in the strict sense and civil society, we have referred to theGramscian notion of common sense. In conclusion, we may emphasize the non-recognition of people with little formal education as being creditors of the state, which can be associated to the strong influence of common sense and corroborated by the fabricated reason why students do not get interested in education, not to mention the lack of institutional communication among the spheres of government and the populationinvolving the course offer of the above mentioned program as one of the expressions of the so-called unimportance of the referred educational program in political agendas and the sense of urgency of guarantee of survival as primaryaspects that influence the low demand of EJA courses. In respect to the engagement of the school institution in this scenario, the limitation of attractiveness of its courses related to internal elements encompassing that institution, such as syllabus,organization of school time and educational management, is not solidary to the living conditions and expectancies of the aforementioned population.By assuming Paulo Freires postulation on the politicity of education, it has become clear the urge of the school institution and social movements linked to the basic right to education to work together efficiently with local leaders and social movements from other regions in order to subsidize and bring to bear claims referred to an intersectoral and systematic action on the part of governments to implement a nationwide EJA policy, which, as a reflection of grassroot needs, really becomes attractive and provides continuity conditions to the students.

Esta tese analisa a mobilização dos trabalhadores rurais no oeste do Estado do Pará, município de Santarém, que ocorre em função do processo de desenvolvimento das atividades produtivas em curso, tais como a extração da madeira, a pecuária e a produção de grãos (agronegócio). Na maioria das vezes, a realização dessas atividades tem como processo antecedente a grilagem das terras públicas, momento em que são utilizados mecanismos ilícitos e contundentes de apropriação privada dessas terras, tais como a utilização de documentos falsos, intimidação e violência. Os confrontos com as populações rurais que já habitavam há muito tempo àquela região, até mesmo por gerações, têm sido inevitáveis e em função disso, as tensões são constantes. A extração da madeira e a pecuária são atividades que já vinham sendo desenvolvidas naquele município desde antes, mas que ganharam impulso com chegada do agronegócio, a partir de 1997. A terra que também se transformou em mercadoria valorizada, além de ser meio de produção, está no centro dos problemas fundiários e dos conflitos no campo. O Estado sempre foi uma presença marcante naquela região, em vários aspectos, entre os quais, o de colocar em prática os projetos desenvolvimentistas a partir da década de 70 do século passado e de criar as condições para a realização dos projetos agropecuários. Esses empreendimentos têm na sua base a formação de grandes latifúndios. Nesta tese, buscou-se mostrar que o processo de mobilização do trabalho se realiza no contexto de uma realidade, onde estão sendo criadas novas formas de produzir e de relações sociais, que rompem com antigos costumes, formas de fazer e de organizar o espaço, que foram moldados pela atividade extrativa no decorrer de vários séculos. / This thesis analyses the mobilization of rural workers from the West of Pará State, Santarém City, which occurs due to Amazons land occupation to the development of activities such as forest extraction (wood), livestock and grain production (agribusiness). Most of times, the accomplishment of these activities has as an antecedent process, the grilagem of public land, in which illegal and cutting mechanisms to the private appropriation of these lands take place, such as the utilization of false documents and violence. The confrontations with rural populations that so long lived in that region, even for generations, have been inevitable, and for this reason, the tensions are constant. Activities as wood extraction and livestock production, which have already been developed for more time, gained impulse with the arrival of agribusiness, since 1997. The land, which in this process has been considered merchandise, is in the center of land appropriation problems and conflicts of that region. The State has a significant presence in that context, since before, when it put in practice developing projects from the seventies of the 20th century, and today, when it creates conditions to accomplish agricultural production projects, having as basis the formation of large estates. It has been tried to show that the work mobilization occurs due to this land occupation. It has also been shown that the new ways to produce and to work are part of a proposal that breaks old social relations, customs and spatial organization, which were moulded in the extractive production of that region for several centuries

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:23:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Davidson Scarano.pdf: 2483710 bytes, checksum: 9f4b87686156c19988c9eb7b5df91c0e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-19 / It made a presentation of virtual social networks as social software. We used the qualitative methodology literature related to the issue of giving theoretical support for the analysis of sites for such, we used the authors Pierre Levy, Don Tapscott, Henry Jankins and Erik Qualman. I analyze Facebook, YouTube and Twitter because each network has a feature that makes it unique. The three chosen are: Facebook (one of the largest social networks today). YouTube (social networking to post videos). Twitter (the microblogging social network for rapid dissemination of information). The forms of analysis are exploratory in the context of the site. Shows the effect of these social networks in the real world and its influence in politics, success stories like Barack Obama in the United States of America, the national mobilization against the FARC in Colombia, the revolution of the Arab world and Islam's successes in Brazil, Plinio de Arruda and Silva in the presidential elections of 2010. After the effect of these social networks on television stations showing Survivour the case in the U.S. and in Brazil, two cases that influenced the Globo network. In addition, trends and interactions between businesses developed by broadcasters and social networks. By analyzing the community 4chan, I see how the community started a joke / b / has become one of the two largest groups in the world Hackerativismo. I conclude this work by analyzing how social networks are, in fact, increasingly used to support actions in the real world thanks to the collective rapid deployment / É feita uma apresentação das redes sociais virtuais como softwares sociais. Foi utilizada a metodologia qualitativa relacionada à questão da bibliografia que dá suporte teórico para análise dos sites, para tal, foram utilizados os autores Pierre Lévy, Don Tapscott, Henry Jankins e Erik Qualman. Analiso o Facebook, o YouTube e o Twitter pois cada rede tem uma característica que a torna única. As três escolhidas são: Facebook (uma das maiores redes sociais da atualidade). YouTube (rede social para divulgação de vídeos). Twitter (rede social de microblog com rápido poder de disseminação da informação). As formas de análises são de cunho exploratório no contexto do site. Mostra-se o efeito destas redes sociais no mundo real e a sua influência na política, com casos de sucesso como Barack Obama nos Estados Unidos da América; a mobilização nacional contra a FARC na Colômbia; a revolução dos países Árabes no mundo Islã e os sucessos, no Brasil, de Plínio de Arruda e Marina Silva nas eleições presidenciais de 2010. Depois o efeito destas redes sociais nas emissoras de televisão mostrando o caso de Survivour nos EUA e, no Brasil, dois casos que influenciaram a rede Globo. Além, das tendências e interações entre os negócios desenvolvidos pelas emissoras e as redes sociais. Ao analisar a comunidade do 4chan, percebo como uma brincadeira iniciada na comunidade /b/ se tornou um dois dos maiores grupos de Hackerativismo no mundo. Concluo o trabalho analisando como as redes sociais, são de fato, cada vez mais utilizadas para apoiar ações do mundo real graças à rápida mobilização coletiva

Esta tese analisa a mobilização dos trabalhadores rurais no oeste do Estado do Pará, município de Santarém, que ocorre em função do processo de desenvolvimento das atividades produtivas em curso, tais como a extração da madeira, a pecuária e a produção de grãos (agronegócio). Na maioria das vezes, a realização dessas atividades tem como processo antecedente a grilagem das terras públicas, momento em que são utilizados mecanismos ilícitos e contundentes de apropriação privada dessas terras, tais como a utilização de documentos falsos, intimidação e violência. Os confrontos com as populações rurais que já habitavam há muito tempo àquela região, até mesmo por gerações, têm sido inevitáveis e em função disso, as tensões são constantes. A extração da madeira e a pecuária são atividades que já vinham sendo desenvolvidas naquele município desde antes, mas que ganharam impulso com chegada do agronegócio, a partir de 1997. A terra que também se transformou em mercadoria valorizada, além de ser meio de produção, está no centro dos problemas fundiários e dos conflitos no campo. O Estado sempre foi uma presença marcante naquela região, em vários aspectos, entre os quais, o de colocar em prática os projetos desenvolvimentistas a partir da década de 70 do século passado e de criar as condições para a realização dos projetos agropecuários. Esses empreendimentos têm na sua base a formação de grandes latifúndios. Nesta tese, buscou-se mostrar que o processo de mobilização do trabalho se realiza no contexto de uma realidade, onde estão sendo criadas novas formas de produzir e de relações sociais, que rompem com antigos costumes, formas de fazer e de organizar o espaço, que foram moldados pela atividade extrativa no decorrer de vários séculos. / This thesis analyses the mobilization of rural workers from the West of Pará State, Santarém City, which occurs due to Amazons land occupation to the development of activities such as forest extraction (wood), livestock and grain production (agribusiness). Most of times, the accomplishment of these activities has as an antecedent process, the grilagem of public land, in which illegal and cutting mechanisms to the private appropriation of these lands take place, such as the utilization of false documents and violence. The confrontations with rural populations that so long lived in that region, even for generations, have been inevitable, and for this reason, the tensions are constant. Activities as wood extraction and livestock production, which have already been developed for more time, gained impulse with the arrival of agribusiness, since 1997. The land, which in this process has been considered merchandise, is in the center of land appropriation problems and conflicts of that region. The State has a significant presence in that context, since before, when it put in practice developing projects from the seventies of the 20th century, and today, when it creates conditions to accomplish agricultural production projects, having as basis the formation of large estates. It has been tried to show that the work mobilization occurs due to this land occupation. It has also been shown that the new ways to produce and to work are part of a proposal that breaks old social relations, customs and spatial organization, which were moulded in the extractive production of that region for several centuries

abstract: This study explores the online recruitment and mobilization of followers in a social movement. In this study, I identify and analyze how certain narratives were produced, distributed and recirculated online by a social movement organization that depicted players in the movement in ways that engaged followers in actions of advocacy and support. Also, I examine how particular narratives were taken up, negotiated, amplified, and distributed by online supporters who eventually become co-tellers of the narrative and ultimately advocates on behalf of the social movement. By examining a selection of media statements, open letters, protest speeches, blogs, videos and pictures, I show how online practices might contribute to inspiring and mobilizing action or responses from a large number of followers. Data include selected excerpts from an online social movement that began in Norway in 2015 and later gathered momentum and strength outside of Norway and Europe. This multi-modal analysis of digital practices demonstrates how collaboratively produced narratives (e.g., of suffering, sorrow, persecution or resilience) emerge and gain traction in the digital space, the relationship between the temporal and spatial dimensions of narrative, and the role of collective memory in building a sense of community and shared identity. Demonstrating the dialogic and interactional dimensions of meaning-making processes, this case study informs how we might theorize and understand the role of identity and narrative in the emergence and amplification of social movements. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation English 2019

Depuis une quinzaine d'années, l'Espagne traverse un mouvement de réflexion complexe ayant trait au legs de la violence d'Etat perpétrée sous la Guerre Civile (1936-1939) et sous la dictature franquiste (1939-1975). Ce mouvement de « récupération de la Mémoire Historique », selon la dénomination autochtone, regroupe un ensemble d'initiatives militantes (mobilisations « mémorielles », de « victimes », de lutte contre l' « impunité »), qui reproduisent les lexiques et les pratiques en vogue dans les contextes de post-conflit (lutte pour la « justice, la vérité, la réparation, exhumations de fosses communes,»...). Cette thèse analyse les logiques de production de catégories nouvelles de la protestation (« disparus », « victimes », « vérité et justice »...), la circulation internationale de compétences militantes propres au post-conflit (exhumations, militantisme des droits de l'homme »...), des nouvelles lectures à porter sur la violence passée. Cet espace protestataire étant majoritairement composé par un personnel héritier ou issu de la gauche républicaine espagnole, cette thèse rend compte des manières dont ce nouveau militantisme des droits de l'homme a contribué à recomposer l'espace protestataire de la gauche espagnole. / Over the last decade in Spain, the legacy of the political violence perpetrated throughout the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) and the Francoist regime (1939-1975) became a significant issue among various protest movements. “The Recovery of Historical Memory Movement”, according to the local denomination, gathers a large scale of collective actions in which prevails the use of typical “postconflict” resources, practices and registers : collection of testimonies, mass grave exhumations, mobilization for “Justice, Truth and Reparation”, etc. This thesis analyzes the social logics underlying the production of new protest categories (“disappeared”, “victims”, “truth and justice”), the international circulation of specific “conflict resolution” expertises and authorities (exhumations, human rights militancy), and new readings of past violence. This protesting space being predominantly composed of actors heiring or stemming from the Spanish republican left, I will analyze the ways by which this new human rights militancy has contributed to the recomposition of the local leftist militancy.

This thesis studies the effect of education on youth within vulnerable settings to resist joining armed groups. Two alternate causal mechanisms are derived from existing research. The first explanation hypothesizes that higher education increases the resistance among youth to join armed groups, since it reduces grievances by promoting social cohesion and equality. The second explanation posits that higher education increases the risk of youth to join armed groups, since raised awareness of injustices and discrimination fosters grievances. To test these hypotheses and further explore the causal relationship, the thesis is designed as a qualitative case study. Palestinian youth living in refugee communities in Lebanon who attend schools are compared to those who do not attend school. A field study to Lebanon was conducted in late spring of 2018 to interview representatives of organizations working with Palestinian youth. Eight in-depth interviews serve as material, which are analyzed using the method of structured, focused comparison. Considering the empirical evidence within the limitations of the study, I evaluate the explanatory power of the two causal mechanisms and provide an account of additional factors that may inform the foundation for future research.

Cette thèse s'inscrit dans la contribution des recherches visant à recenser les conditions permettant de prévenir durablement les troubles musculo-squelettiques et psycho-sociaux dans les entreprises. Nous nous sommes interrogés sur la façon de créer les conditions de la mobilisation d'acteurs internes à un établissement, facteur d'efficacité des interventions, en vue de permettre la construction sociale de la prévention des troubles musculo-squelettiques et psycho-sociaux. Pour faire cela, nous avons suivis le déploiement d'une démarche de prévention des risques professionnels en milieu de soins appelée ORSOSA. Nous avons analysé qualitativement l'activité d'acteurs d'horizons et de niveaux hiérarchiques différents durant le déploiement d'une démarche de prévention primaire. Nos résultats nous amènent à identifier quatre catégories de conditions permettant la mobilisation des acteurs lors du déploiement d'une démarche préventive : en lien avec le contexte organisationnel, les stratégies utilisées par l'intervenant, le lien effectué par les acteurs internes entre leur activité individuelle et la démarche mise en œuvre et enfin le développement de l'activité collective. L'apport de cette thèse est à la fois de proposer une nouvelle méthodologie mais aussi un regard renouvelé aux praticiens et aux chercheurs, afin de mieux mobiliser des acteurs et ce le plus en amont possible lors du déploiement d'une démarche préventive. / This thesis aims to contribute to research aimed at identifying the conditions to sustainably prevent musculoskeletal and psychosocial disorders in companies. We brought into question how to create the conditions for the mobilization of stakeholders within an establishment, a factor for effective interventions, in order to enable the social construction of the prevention of musculoskeletal and psycho-social disorders. To do this, we followed the deployment of professional risk prevention approach in health care called ORSOSA. We qualitatively analyzed the activity of players backgrounds and different hierarchical levels during the deployment of a primary prevention approach. Our results suggest four categories of conditions for the mobilization of stakeholders when deploying a preventive approach: the organizational context, the strategies used by the practitioner, the link made by the internal stakeholders between their individual activity and gait implementation and finally the development of collective activity. The contribution of this thesis is to offer both a new methodology as well as a renewed overview to better mobilize stakeholders as early as possible when deploying a preventive approach, both to practitioners and researchers.

Cette recherche a pour objectif de saisir les mobilisations plurielles et éclatées autour de la mise en récit publique du conflit armé dans un contexte de violence en Colombie. Inspirée par les travaux sur les sorties de conflit et la sociologie de la mémoire, elle prend comme terrain d’observation les lieux de mémoire (musées et maisons de la mémoire, monuments) qui se multiplient depuis la fin des années quatre-vingt-six. Elle envisage les lieux de mémoire comme des objets pertinents pour saisir les rapports de force politiques et sociaux qui se nouent dans un contexte de sortie de conflit très relatif. À partir d’entretiens et d’observations ethnographiques menées dans trois lieux de mémoire, ce travail questionne les effets des lieux de mémoire sur le politique. Il met en évidence les limites du pouvoir des lieux de mémoire à encadrer les mémoires et à participer à la fin du conflit. En revanche, ils pacifient le rapport historiquement conflictuel qu’entretient l’État avec certains groupes sociaux en reformulant des problèmes politiques et économiques sous l’angle du symbolique et en créant de nouvelles formes de luttes et d’engagement politique. Les lieux de mémoire reconfigurent les rapports entre gouvernants et gouvernés : à travers mise en récit du conflit armé, des revendications sociales et politiques en sortent pacifiées et re-politisées. / The aim of this research is to capture the plural and fragmented mobilisations around the elaboration of a public narrative of the armed conflict in a context of violence in Colombia. Inspired by works on conflict resolution and on the sociology of memory, it takes as its field of study the places of memory (museums and houses of memory, monuments) that have multiplied since the end of the eighties. It considers the places of memory as relevant objects to grasp the relationships that come into being between political and social forces in a context of a very relative conflict resolution. From interviews and ethnographic observations conducted in three places of memory, the thesis questions the effects of places of memory on politics. This work highlights the limits of the power of the influence that places of memory have on the framing of the memories and in participating in the conflict resolution. On the other hand, they pacify the historically conflictual relationship that the state maintains with certain social groups by reformulating political and economic problems, giving them a symbolic prism, and by creating new forms of struggle and political activism. Places of memory reconfigure relations between those that govern and the governed: through the elaboration of a narrative for the armed conflict, social and political demands come out pacified and re-politicized.