<p>\abstract</p><p>This dissertation seeks to explain the role of governmental and non-governmental actors in increasing/reducing the emergence of intergroup conflict after war, when group differences have been a salient aspect of group mobilization. This question emerges from several interrelated branches of scholarship on self-enforcing institutions and power-sharing arrangements, group fragmentation and demographic change, collective mobilization for collectively-targeted violence, and conflict termination and the post-conflict quality of peace. This question is investigated through quantitative analyses performed at the sub-national, national, and cross-national level on the effect of elite competition on the likelihood of violence committed on the basis of group difference after war. These quantitative analyses are each accompanied by qualitative, case study analyses drawn from the American Reconstruction South, Iraq, and Cote d'Ivoire that illustrate and clarify the mechanisms evaluated through quantitative analysis. </p><p>Shared findings suggest the correlation of reduced political competition with the increased likelihood of violence committed on the basis of group difference. Separate findings shed light on how covariates related to control over rent extraction and armed forces, decentralization, and citizenship can lead to a reduction in violence. However, these same quantitative analyses and case study analysis suggest that the control of the state can be perceived as a threat after the end of conflict. Further, together these findings suggest the political nature of violence committed on the basis of group difference as opposed to ethnic identity or resource scarcity alone. </p><p>Together, these combined analyses shed light on how and why political identities are formed and mobilized for the purpose of committing political violence after war. In this sense, they shed light on the factors that constrain post-conflict violence in deeply divided societies, and contribute to relevant academic, policy, and normative questions.</p> / Dissertation

The case of mobilization against hydraulic fracturing by interest groups provided an opportunity to examine the influence of three factors (mission, audience, and policy context) on diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational framing. A comparative analysis was conducted of the mobilization activities of five national environmental organizations with a local presence in the Pennsylvania and New York Marcellus Shale regions. The organizations varied with respect to organizational mission, the audiences they were targeting (urban and rural), and the policy context in which they worked (pro and anti-hydraulic fracturing). Data came from eleven semi-structured in-depth interviews with organization personnel, and from the organizations' websites and published documents. The results of this research show how the organizations use diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational framing to mobilize citizens against hydraulic fracturing. They illustrate the influence of organizational mission, audience (urban versus rural), and policy context in how the groups take on these framing tasks. Overall, the findings provide insights into the variation in frames and framing that can occur at the organizational level inside a movement. They illustrate the explanatory value of investigating multiple factors as they affect diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational framing.

This bachelor thesis in sociology is based on participatory observation and interviews in Mauritius done by two Swedish students who are studying Social change and social sustainability at the University of Halmstad. The aim of this study was to understand the social conditions that affect the organization Young Queer Alliance and their work to monitor and secure human rights regarding discrimination against sexual orientation in Mauritius today. The aim was also to see if Young Queer Alliance has opportunities for change towards a more socially sustainable society regarding this discrimination. The material has been interpreted and analysed by us through Foucault’s theory of power (2008), Jönhill’s dichotomy inclusion/exclusion (2012) and social mobilization (Sundh &amp; Turunen, 2000). In some sections, we have done parallels between Mauritius and Sweden. The result of the empirical collection is complex and multidimensional and showed that; homophobia, religions, traditions, heterosexual norms and government influence the social circumstances for the organization. Paradoxically, a new thinking generation is emerging influenced by globalization and its processes. The “not-knowing-mentality” causes discrimination and can be prevailed with education. The thesis concludes that; the mentality is based on traditional norms and is influenced by history. Our generation cannot change history, but the future is ours to write.

Au cours de leur lactation, les vaches laitières font face à d’importants besoins en calcium du fait de la production laitière. L'augmentation très rapide de ces besoins en début de lactation fait que l’organisme des vaches peut difficilement s’adapter par une hausse de l’ingestion et de l’absorption digestive de calcium. L’organisme doit puiser dans les réserves osseuses, qui seront reconstituées plus tard en fin de lactation. Ces cycles de mobilisation et reconstitution osseuses restent cependant impossibles à quantifier chez la vache laitière sur de larges effectifs et les conséquences d’une mauvaise reconstitution osseuse sur les lactations suivantes restent inconnues. Cette thèse avait pour objectif de développer un indicateur des phénomènes de mobilisation et reconstitution osseuse au cours de la lactation.Plusieurs facteurs de mobilisation osseuse ont pu être identifiés, comme la race, la parité ou l’alimentation. Cependant, les cycles de mobilisation et de reconstitution osseuse n’ont pas pu être reliés à des variations de la composition du lait en Ca et P. Il a cependant pu être montré, que contrairement à ce qui est décrit dans la littérature, un apport insuffisant en Ca en début de lactation n’est pas toujours accompagné d’une augmentation de la mobilisation osseuse, mais peut être compensé par une augmentation des capacités d’absorption digestive. Cette thèse montre aussi la nécessité de quantifier les conséquences d’un apport insuffisant de calcium alimentaire sur les performances de production et la santé des vaches laitières sur l’ensemble de la lactation. / During lactations, dairy cows faces huge calcium requirements due to milk production. Because of the fast increase in those requirements at the beginning of the lactation, the organism of dairy cows can hardly adapt by increasing intake and digestive calcium absorption. The organism must mobilize calcium from its storage pool, bones, which will replenish later in lactation. Those cycles of bone mobilization and reconstitution remain impossible to quantify for important number of dairy cows and the consequences of an incomplete bone reconstitution on following lactation remain unknown. The aim of this PhD was to develop an indicator of the phenomenon of bone mobilization and reconstitution during lactation.Several factors increasing bone mobilization have been identified, such as breed, parity or diet. However, the cycles of bone mobilization and reconstitution could not be related to variation in milk Ca and P content. However, it has been showed that, an insufficient Ca supply in early lactation does not always induce a higher bone mobilization, as it has been described in the literature, but can be compensated by an increase in digestive absorption capacity. The thesis also showed the need to quantify the consequences on insufficient dietary calcium supply on dairy cows’ milk production and health throughout lactation.

O trabalho realiza um percurso entre as teorias da ação coletiva e da comunicação digital para produzir uma reflexão sobre os significados da mobilização em contextos reticulares, ou net-ativismo. A partir das teorias apresentadas tentaremos organizar uma linha de interpretação que faça convergir esses dois campos para o entendimento do que vem a ser net-ativismo para que depois possamos realizar dois propósitos: primeiro, apresentar um mapa das principais ações de net-ativismo no Brasil e no Mundo. Segundo, contribuir para o desenvolvimento de uma teoria da ação que contemple as formas de mobilização net-ativistas entendendo seu significar e sua relação com as formas convencionais de ação política. / The thesis follows a path between the theories of collective action and digital communications to develop an analysis of the meanings of mobilization in reticular contexts or net-activism. Based on the presented theories we will try to arrange a line of interpretation that makes those two fields converge to the understanding of the meaning of net-activism so that, afterwards, we can achieve two purposes: first, present a map of the main net-activism\'s actions in Brazil and around the world. Then, contribute to the development of a theory that beholds the different approaches of mobilizations net-activists to understand their meaning and their relation to the conventional approaches of political action.

O mundo pós-fordista pode ser caracterizado pela mobilização para o trabalho das capacidades cognitivas, comunicacionais e afetivas. Além desse salto qualitativo, há, nos últimos trina anos, uma forte intensificação do labor. Essas mudanças resultam em um aumento do controle da força de trabalho, sendo que sua subsunção se dá, agora, mais pela dominação política do que pelas determinações econômicas. Procuramos analisar como o sofrimento social particularmente quando se manifesta na forma de depressão é inerente à configuração atual do mundo do trabalho e está estritamente vinculado às diversas ocupações, todas elas marcadas pela sobrecarga, pela desfiliação e pelo permanente estado de mobilização. Paradoxalmente à época da superestimação dos transtornos mentais e da medicação da sociedade, o sofrimento no trabalho é expulso do campo clínico, teórico e político. / The post-Fordian world can be characterized by the mobilization of the cognitive, communicational and affective capabilities to labour. In addiction to this qualitative leap, there has been a strong intensification of labour in the past thirty years. These changes have resulted in an increase in the control of the labouring forces, as now subsumption takes place more as a consequence of political than of economic factors. This study is intended to show in which ways social suffering particularly when it manifests as depression is inherent to the current configuration of the labour world and is strictly related to the variety of occupations, all of which marked by work overload, unaffiliation and a permanent state of mobilization. It is a curious paradox that, in a time of overestimation of mental disorders and the medicalization of society, suffering at work is expelled from the clinical, theoretical and political fields.

O objetivo desta investigação foi identificar alguns aspectos da perspectiva da população pouco escolarizada na análise sobre as políticas atuais de educação de jovens e adultos no Brasil, em relação com as dimensões de experiência, informação e interpretação. Trata-se de pesquisa qualitativa, de tipo estudo de caso instrumental, realizada no bairro Jardim João XXIII, no Distrito Raposo Tavares, pertencente à subprefeitura do Butantã, zona oeste do Município de São Paulo, capital paulista. Para a identificação dos informantes-chave de nossa pesquisa, recorremos à técnica da bola-de-neve, a partir da qual realizamos observações, diálogos informais e entrevistas. A pesquisa de campo foi realizada entre o segundo semestre de 2016 e o início de 2018. Os resultados da pesquisa de campo foram analisados a partir de sua relação com os indicadores sociais gerais, com a literatura do campo das políticas de EJA, sobretudo dos estudos de Paulo Freire, Celso de Rui Beisiegel, Miguel Arroyo, Sérgio Haddad e Maria Clara Di Pierro, no campo das políticas educacionais, especificamente no que tange à democratização do ensino e às potencialidades da instituição escolar, nortearam nossa análise os estudos de José Mário Pires Azanha e de Paulo Freire, no campo das discussões sobre território, recorremos às formulações de Milton Santos, e, sobre a relação entre Estado estrito e sociedade civil, nos reportamos à noção de senso comum, de Antonio Gramsci. Como conclusões de pesquisa, podemos destacar o não reconhecimento da população pouco escolarizada como sendo credora do Estado, relacionado à forte influência do senso comum, informado pela explicação folclórica da falta de interesse dos educandos; a ausência de comunicação institucional entre governos e a população sobre a oferta de cursos da modalidade como uma das manifestações da marginalidade da modalidade nas agendas governamentais e a premência da garantia de sobrevivência como principais fatores que incidem sobre a baixa procura pelos cursos da modalidade. Em relação à atuação da instituição escolar nesse contexto, permanece a limitação da atratividade de seus cursos, relacionada a fatores internos à instituição, como proposta curricular, organização dos tempos escolares e organização escolar, pouco sensível às condições de vida e expectativas dessa população. Considerando o conceito freireano de politicidade da educação, evidenciou-se a necessidade de que a instituição escolar e também os movimentos sociais vinculados ao direito a educação articulem-se de forma efetiva às lideranças locais e movimentos sociais de outras áreas, com o objetivo de subsidiar e mobilizar ações reivindicatórias de uma ação intersetorial sistemática por parte dos governos a fim de implementar uma política nacional de EJA que, sendo reflexo das necessidades das classes populares, torne-se de fato atrativa e ofereça condições de permanência aos educandos. / The purpose of this study was to examine some facets of the point of view of people with little formal education concerning the analysis of current education policies referred to theYouth and Adult Education (EJA acronym in Portuguese) program in Brazil with regard to the spheres ofknowledge acquisition, information and comprehension. We made use of an instrumental case study-like qualitative research, which was carried out in Jardim João XXIII, Raposo Tavares District, which is subordinated to the subprefecture of Butantã, located in the west side of the city of Sao Paulo. In order to obtain the key-informants of this research, we utilized the snowball sampling technique, from which we made observations, collected informal conversations and carried out interviews. The field research was held between the second semester of 2016 and the beginning of 2018. Its results werescrutinized starting from its relationship with overall social indicators, literature on Young and Adult Education policies, especially those related to Paulo Freire, Celso de Rui Beisiegel, Miguel Arroyo, Sérgio Haddad and Maria Clara Di Pierro referred to educational policies, mainly when it comes to the democratization of education and the potential of school institutions. Additionally, aiming to corroborate our study, we have supported it with works by José Mário Pires Azanha and Paulo Freire. In the field of discussions on territory, we havedrawn on the conceptualizations by Milton Santos; and finally, in terms of the relationship between the state in the strict sense and civil society, we have referred to theGramscian notion of common sense. In conclusion, we may emphasize the non-recognition of people with little formal education as being creditors of the state, which can be associated to the strong influence of common sense and corroborated by the fabricated reason why students do not get interested in education, not to mention the lack of institutional communication among the spheres of government and the populationinvolving the course offer of the above mentioned program as one of the expressions of the so-called unimportance of the referred educational program in political agendas and the sense of urgency of guarantee of survival as primaryaspects that influence the low demand of EJA courses. In respect to the engagement of the school institution in this scenario, the limitation of attractiveness of its courses related to internal elements encompassing that institution, such as syllabus,organization of school time and educational management, is not solidary to the living conditions and expectancies of the aforementioned population.By assuming Paulo Freires postulation on the politicity of education, it has become clear the urge of the school institution and social movements linked to the basic right to education to work together efficiently with local leaders and social movements from other regions in order to subsidize and bring to bear claims referred to an intersectoral and systematic action on the part of governments to implement a nationwide EJA policy, which, as a reflection of grassroot needs, really becomes attractive and provides continuity conditions to the students.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-04-27T12:42:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Patricia Cucio Guisordi.pdf: 9512728 bytes, checksum: 114c3b0d2b270f04d9191706f67919f9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-27T12:42:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Patricia Cucio Guisordi.pdf: 9512728 bytes, checksum: 114c3b0d2b270f04d9191706f67919f9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-12 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / Observing the increasing use of Internet devices in the political mobilizations of the early 21st century, it is noted that social movements have changed and started to use other means and resources to influence their policies in the public sphere. Understanding this is a global phenomenon and, especially since the 2013 June Jouneys, it also occurs in Brazil, this research sought to understand how social movements use cyberactivism to include their demands in the arenas of Brazilian institutional politics. For this, a case study of the political mobilization on the Internet was carried out in favor of the Ficha Limpa “Clean Record” analyzing the publications that the members of the Movement to Combat Electoral Corruption, performed in the Community of Orkut MCCE Ficha Limpa and the sites that were cited as source of information by the members of the same. In order to qualify the data collected through the mapping and the bibliographical survey, in-depth interviews were conducted with individuals belonging to the National Committee of the Ficha Limpa Campaign, members of the Orkut Community, and with the Avaaz Campaign Coordinator at the time. Through this analysis, it can be verified that cyberactivism contributed to the inclusion of new guidelines in the political arena, but, on the other hand, that it is not the only who guarantees the success of the movement / Observando-se o crescente uso dos dispositivos da internet nas mobilizações políticas do início do século XXI, percebe-se que os movimentos sociais se transformaram e passaram a utilizar outros meios e recursos para incidir em suas pautas na esfera pública. Compreendendo que este é um fenômeno global e que, principalmente a partir das Jornadas de Junho de 2013, também ocorre no Brasil, esta pesquisa buscou compreender como os movimentos sociais se utilizam do ciberativismo para incluir suas demandas nas arenas da política institucional brasileira. Para isto foi realizado um estudo de caso da mobilização política na internet em prol da Ficha Limpa, analisando-se as publicações que os integrantes do Movimento de Combate à Corrupção Eleitoral realizaram na Comunidade do Orkut MCCE Ficha Limpa e os sites que eram citados como fonte de informação pelos integrantes da mesma. Para se qualificarem os dados levantados através do mapeamento e do levantamento bibliográfico, foram realizadas entrevistas em profundidade com indivíduos pertencentes ao Comitê Nacional da Campanha Ficha Limpa, integrantes da Comunidade do Orkut e com a coordenadora de Campanhas do Avaaz na época. Através desta análise, pode-se averiguar que o ciberativismo contribuiu para a inclusão de novas pautas na arena política, mas, por outro lado, que não é apenas ele que garante o êxito do movimento

Introdução: A reabilitação é um componente importante do tratamento interdisciplinar em uma Unidade de AVC, especialmente a mobilização precoce com retirada do paciente do leito. Diretrizes recomendam o início da fisioterapia motora o mais precoce possível, mas os resultados dos estudos já publicados são inconclusivos quanto ao benefício desta intervenção. Objetivos: Para avaliar o benefício da mobilização precoce no AVC isquêmico foi iniciado um ensaio clinico randomizado (ECR) comparando este tratamento, iniciado dentro das primeiras 48 horas do AVC, com a fisioterapia motora de rotina do hospital. No estudo piloto, nosso objetivo foi estabelecer a exequibilidade e segurança da mobilização precoce nos pacientes com AVC isquêmico agudo atendidos no Hospital de Clínicas de Porto Alegre. Métodos: Foram incluídos pacientes com AVC isquêmico agudo até 48 horas do início dos sintomas e alocados randomicamente em dois grupos: Grupo Tratamento (GT), que realizou o programa de mobilização precoce iniciando nas primeiras 24 a 48h após o AVC, e Grupo Controle (GC), que seguiu com as rotinas do hospital. Os desfechos primários do ensaio clinico são independência funcional (escore da Escala de Rankin modificada entre 0 e 2) e mortalidade em três meses. Os desfechos primários do estudo piloto foram tempo até a primeira mobilização, tempo total de fisioterapia motora, complicações ocorridas durante a mobilização precoce, quedas durante o período de hospitalização, complicações médicas relacionadas à imobilidade e morte em 90 dias. Resultados: Trinta e sete pacientes foram incluídos, sendo 18 no GT (idade média de 64 anos) e 19 no GC (idade média de 66 anos). O GT recebeu mobilização mais precoce e em maior quantidade do que o GC. A mediana do tempo entre o ictus e a primeira mobilização foi de 43h (AIQ 28-48h) comparada com 72h no GC (AIQ 61-108h; p=0.001) e o tempo total de mobilização durante o período de hospitalização no GT foi de 135 min (AIQ 85-213 min) comparado com 0 min no GC (AIQ 0-50 min). Não houve complicações associadas à mobilização precoce dos pacientes, bem como não houve diferença estatisticamente significativa entre os grupos quanto à proporção de complicações, mortalidade e resultados funcionais, exceto pela tendência a melhor recuperação funcional em 90 dias no GT quando excluídos da análise os pacientes com sequelas prévias. Conclusão: Embora este ensaio clínico randomizado não tenha poder para comprovar a efetividade da intervenção, ele se mostrou seguro e exequível. Apesar das dificuldades encontradas, foi possível iniciar a mobilização precocemente, ainda no serviço de emergência, em qualquer grau de severidade do AVC, sem complicações. Mais estudos 8 randomizados controlados são necessários com maior número de indivíduos a fim de verificar o efeito da mobilização precoce em até 48h do início dos sintomas do AVC. / Background: The rehabilitation is an important component of the interdisciplinary treatment in a stroke unit, especially early mobilization with out of bed activities. Guidelines recommend the initiation of physical therapy as early as possible, but the results of published studies are inconclusive regarding the benefit of this intervention. Objectives: To evaluate the benefit of early mobilization in ischemic stroke has started a randomized clinical trial (RCT) comparing this treatment, initiated within 48h of stroke, with the motor physical therapy routine hospital. In the pilot study, our aim was to establish the feasibility and safety of early mobilization in patients with acute ischemic stroke treated at Hospital de Clinicas de Porto Alegre. Methods: Patients with acute ischemic stroke within 48h of symptoms onset and randomly allocated into two groups: Treatment Group (TG), which carried out the program of early mobilization beginning in the first 24 to 48h after stroke, and Control Group (CG), which followed with the routines of the hospital. The primary outcomes of the clinical trial are functional independence (modified Rankin Scale score between 0 and 2) and mortality within three months. The primary outcomes of the pilot study were time to first mobilization, total duration of physical therapy, complications during early mobilization, falls during hospitalization, medical complications related to immobility and death within 90 days. Results: Thirty-seven patients were included, 18 in TG (average age 64 years) and 19 in the CG (mean age 66 years). The TG received mobilization earlier and in greater quantity than the CG. The median time between the stroke and the first mobilization was 43h in the TG (IQR 28-48h) and 72h in the CG (IQR 61-108h, p = 0.001) and the total mobilization during the period of hospitalization in TG was 135 min (IQR 85-213 min) compared with 0 min in the GC (IQR 0-50 min). There were no complications associated with early mobilization and there was no statistically significant difference between groups in the proportion of complications, mortality and functional outcomes, except for the tendency to better functional recovery at 90 days in TG when the analysis excluded patients with previous sequels. Conclusion: Although this randomized clinical trial has no power to prove the effectiveness of the intervention, it proved to be safe and feasible. Despite the difficulties, it was possible to start early mobilization, even in the emergency room, in any degree of severity of stroke, without complications. More randomized controlled trials are needed with larger numbers of subjects to verify the effect of early mobilization within 48h of onset of stroke symptoms.

Esta dissertação de início trata das particularidades do processo de mobilização pelo trabalho da imigração armênia no Distrito de Presidente Altino, localizado no município de Osasco, em relação com a capital paulista. Esse processo tem como referencial histórico de mobilização o Genocídio Armênio perpetrado pelo Império Otomano durante a Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914-1918), intepretada aqui a partir da mobilização geral (Gaudemar, 1981), momento histórico em que todos os esforços estão voltados para a produção, fazendo da guerra uma constante necessária à acumulação de capitais. Tentamos problematizar os desdobramentos históricos da relação social capitalista que foram transformando os sentidos da acumulação de capitais ao longo do século XX, bem como a dinâmica das personificações daí resultantes, até o contemporâneo capitalismo baseado na reprodução ficctícia do valor. Partindo da pesquisa histórica de trajetórias de mobilização aliada a observações feitas em trabalhos de campo, foram realizadas viagens à Argentina, Uruguai no intuito de apresentar as contradições perceptíveis entre a identidade armênia dessas localidades visitadas e a identidade observada em viagem à Armênia. / This dissertation deals with the particularities of the process of mobilization for the work of Armenian immigration in the District of Presidente Altino, located in the municipality of Osasco, in relation to the capital of São Paulo. This process has as a historical reference for mobilization the Armenian Genocide perpetrated by the Ottoman Empire during World War I (1914-1918), interpreted here using the concept of general mobilization (Gaudemar, 1981), historical moment in which all the efforts are directed to the production, requiring constant war to the accumulation of capital. We have tried to problematize the historical unfoldings of the capitalist social relationship that have been transforming the meanings of capital accumulation throughout the twentieth century, as well as the dynamics of the personifications resulting therefrom reaching the contemporary capitalism based on the fictional reproduction of value. Starting from the historical research of mobilization trajectories allied to observations made in field research. Travels were made to Argentina, Uruguay in order to present the perceptible contradictions between the Armenian identity of these visited localities and the identity observed during the travel to Armenia.