Some proverbs, idioms, nominal compounds, and slogans duplicate in form and meaning between several languages. An example of these between German and English is Liebe auf den ersten Blick and “love at first sight” (Flippo, 2009), whereas, an example between Kiswahili and English is uchaguzi ulio huru na haki and “free and fair election.” Duplication of these strings of words between languages that are as different in descent and typology as Kiswahili and English is irregular. On this ground, Kiswahili academies and a number of experts of Kiswahili assumed – prior to the present study – that the Kiswahili versions of the expressions are the derivatives from their English congruent counterparts. The assumption nonetheless lacked empirical evidence and also discounted other potential causes of the phenomenon, i.e. analogical extension, nativism and cognitive metaphoricalization (Makkai, 1972; Land, 1974; Lakoff & Johnson, 1980b; Ruhlen, 1987; Lakoff, 1987; Gleitman and Newport, 1995). Out of this background, we assumed an academic obligation of empirically investigating what causes this formal and semantic duplication of strings of words (multiword expressions) between English and Kiswahili to a degree beyond chance expectations. In this endeavour, we employed checklist to 24, interview to 43, online questionnaire to 102, translation test to 47 and translationality test to 8 respondents. Online questionnaire respondents were from 21 regions of Tanzania, whereas, those of the rest of the tools were from Zanzibar, Dar es Salaam, Pwani, Lindi, Dodoma and Kigoma. Complementarily, we analysed the Chemnitz Corpus of Swahili (CCS), the Helsinki Swahili Corpus (HSC), and the Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA) for clues on the sources and trends of expressions exhibiting this characteristic between Kiswahili and English. Furthermore, we reviewed the Bible, dictionaries, encyclopaedia, books, articles, expressions lists, wikis, and phrase books in pursuit of etymologies, and histories of concepts underlying the focus expressions. Our analysis shows that most of the Kiswahili versions of the focus expressions are the function of loan translation and rendition from English. We found that economic, political and technological changes, mostly induced by liberalization policy of the 1990s in Tanzania, created lexical gaps in Kiswahili that needed to be filled. We discovered that Kiswahili, among other means, fill such gaps through loan translation and loan rendition of English phrases. Prototypical examples of notions whose English labels Kiswahili has translated word for word are such as “human rights”, “free and fair election”, “the World Cup” and “multiparty democracy”. We can conclude that Kiswahili finds it easier and economical to translate the existing English labels for imported notions rather than innovating original labels for the concepts. Even so, our analysis revealed that a few of the Kiswahili duplicate multiword expressions might be a function of nativism, cognitive metaphoricalization and analogy phenomena. We, for instance, observed that formulation of figurative meanings follow more or less similar pattern across human languages – the secondary meanings deriving from source domains. As long as the source domains are common in many human\'s environment, we found it plausible for certain multiword expressions to spontaneously duplicate between several human languages. Academically, our study has demonstrated how multiword expressions, which duplicate between several languages, can be studied using primary data, corpora, documentary review and observation. In particular, the study has designed a framework for studying sources of the expressions and even terminologies for describing the phenomenon. What\'s more, the study has collected a number of expressions that duplicate between Kiswahili and English languages, which other researchers can use in similar studies.

This study falls under the broad area of child language acquisition with specific focus on Shona morphosyntax. The understanding that knowledge of the nature of child language contributes to the sustainability of language acquisition matters forms the basis of the investigation. A qualitative approach is followed in the study, specifically focusing on the constraints on the development of inflectional morphemes (IMs) in the acquisition of nouns and verbs in child Shona. The study investigates the development of child Shona inflectional morphology and how morphology interacts with syntax. The constraints that operate in the acquisition of Shona are identified. The study refers to linguistic theories for an account of the development of child Shona morphosyntax. The study is based on the understanding that knowledge of the nature of child language contributes to the sustainability of language acquisition matters. The data used in this study is collected from four Shona speaking children. The ages of the children range from two years (2; 0) to three years and two months (3; 2). Two female and two male children participated in this study. The primary method of data collection used in this study is the naturalistic method, while elicitation is used to elicit plural formation. The results indicate that child Shona morphosyntax is characterized by omission of the various inflectional morphemes on nouns and verbs, while the lexical morphemes are retained. The child Shona IM is phonologically different from the adult Shona IM. This is because the children are constrained and hence use simplification strategies in order to try to be faithful to the input grammar. The noun and verb IMs are produced in the form of a reduced syllable, because the children dropped the consonant in the IM syllable and retained the vowel. The study reveals that the development of child Shona morphosyntax is based on pivotal constituencies of the sentence. These pivots are the nouns and verbs that are used by the children. The study identifies constraints that operate on the process of child Shona development as phonological, morphological, semantic, visibility and frequency constraints. The finding that is arrived at through this study is that syntax is in place before morphology. / African Languages / D. Litt. et Phil.

Esta dissertação descreve e analisa a estrutura argumental e as classes verbais da língua Dâw (família Nadahup, Amazonas). Estudamos os verbos dessa língua do ponto de vista semântico e sintático, identificando classes e subclasses de acordo com o comportamento morfossintático das raízes verbais. Além disso, avaliamos as hipóteses descritivas e explicativas das classes verbais identificadas por Martins (2004), primeira pesquisadora a abordar a morfossintaxe Dâw. Nosso arcabouço teórico é a teoria de estrutura argumental desenvolvida por Hale & Keyser (2002), que propõe uma análise da sintaxe e da semântica dos itens lexicais por meio da estrutura argumental sistema de relações estruturais estabelecidas entre o núcleo e seus argumentos, dentro de estruturas sintáticas projetadas pelo próprio núcleo. Por meio de testes linguísticos variados, incluindo alternância de valência e julgamento de (a)gramaticalidade, reclassificamos as nove classes verbais identificadas por Martins (2004) em três classes de acordo com a valência do verbo: classe dos verbos intransitivos, classe dos verbos transitivos e classe dos verbos bitransitivos. Martins (2004) afirma que, na sentença, os verbos podem mudar de tom devido à presença de um morfema tonal transitivizador ou intransitivizador. Contudo, mostramos neste trabalho que o sistema tonal da língua, no nível da sentença, é previsível. Desse modo, independentemente do processo de aumento de valência envolvido, percebemos que a mudança tonal dos verbos decorre devido ao fraseamento fonológico das sentenças. Quanto ao processo de transitivização, este identificou subclasses de verbos intransitivos: verbos alternantes e verbos nãoalternantes. As restrições de alternância devem-se à estrutura argumental de cada tipo verbal. No caso dos verbos intransitivos alternantes ou inacusativos, observamos que eles são formados a partir de estrutura diádica composta, que projeta um especificador interno e um complemento, o que lhe permite alternar entre uma forma intransitiva e transitiva. No caso dos verbos não-alternantes encontramos três padrões: verbos denominais e inergativos, formados a partir de uma estrutura argumental monádica (que não projeta especificador interno), o que impede a alternância; verbos inacusativos nãoalternantes, formados a partir de uma estrutura monádica que toma como complemento uma estrutura diádica básica verbos desse tipo não alternam, pois eles não são formados por uma estrutura diádica, mas contêm tal estrutura; e ve b s e jetiv is, formados a partir de uma cópula que toma como complemento um adjetivo. Uma vez que raiz e núcleo verbal possuem conteúdo fonológico pleno (não vazio), não é possível fazer conflation entre núcleo e raiz, o que impede que o predicado verbal seja formado. Essa estrutura explica a agramaticalidade desses verbos frente ao processo de transitivização automática. Também testamos a sintaxe e a semântica da intransitivização (construções incoativas, voz passiva, reflexiva e média). De modo geral, percebemos que não há morfologia específica para a construção de sentenças médias, incoativas ou anticausativas. Não existem passivas em Dâw; no lugar desta voz, os falantes produzem sentenças incoativas ou com o sujeito subespecificado. As sentenças reflexivas são geradas por meio de pronomes reflexivos na posição de objeto da sentença. Por fim, vimos que objetos diretos de sentenças transitivas são marcados pelo morfema {-uuy\'} analisados por nós como MDO. Sua aplicação está condicionada a restrições semânticas de definitude e animacidade / This thesis describes and analyzes the argument structure and verbal classes of the Dâw language (Nadahup family, Amazon). We studied the verbs of that language from the semantic and syntactic perspective, identifying classes and subclasses according to the morphosyntactic behavior of verbal roots. Furthermore, we evaluated the descriptive and explanatory hypotheses of verb classes identified by Martins (2004), the first researcher to address Dâw morphosyntax. Our theoretical framework is the theory of argument structure developed by Hale & Keyser (2002), which proposes an analysis of the syntax and semantics of lexical items by means of the argument structure the pattern of structural relations between the head and its arguments within syntactical structures projected by the head itself. Through various language tests, including verbal valency alternation and judgment of (a)grammaticality, we reclassified the nine verb classes identified by Martins (2004) into three classes according to the verbal valency: the classes of intransitive verbs, transitive verbs and bitransitive verbs. Martins (2004) states that, in the sentence, the verbs may change in tone due to the presence of a transitivizing or intransitivizing tonal morpheme. However, we show in this paper that the tonal system of the language is predictable at the sentence level. Thus, regardless of the valency-increasing process involved, we realized that the tonal change of verbs arises due to the phonological phrasing of sentences. Regarding the transitivization process, subclasses of intransitive verbs were identified: alternating and non-alternating verbs. The restrictions on alternation are due to the argument structure of each verb type. In the case of unaccusative or alternating intransitive verbs, we observed that they are formed from a composite dyadic structure, projecting an internal specifier and a complement, which allows them to switch between intransitive and transitive forms. In the case of non-alternating verbs we found three patterns: denominal and unergative verbs, based on a monadic argument structure (that does not project internal specifier) that prevents alternation; non-alternating unaccusative verbs based on a monadic structure that takes a basic dyadic structure as a complement verbs of this type do not alternate because they are not formed by a dyadic structure, but contain such a structure n e jectiv l ve bs, f me f m c p l ve b th t t kes n jective s complement. Since the root and verbal head have full (non-empty) phonological content, no conflation is possible between head and root, which prevents the formation of the verbal predicate. This structure explains the agrammaticality of these verbs with regard to the automatic transitivization process. We also tested the syntax and semantics of intransitivization (inchoative constructions, passive, reflexive and middle voices). In general, we found that there is no specific morphology for constructing middle, inchoative or anticausative sentences. There are no passives in Dâw; in place of this voice, the speakers form sentences that are inchoative or have a subspecified subject. Reflexive sentences are created using reflexive pronouns in the position of the object of the sentence. Finally, we found that direct objects of transitive sentences are marked by the {-uuy\'} morpheme analyzed by us as DOM. Its use is subject to semantic constraints of definiteness and animacy

No presente estudo descrevemos e analisamos, sob o viés morfossintático, as partes do discurso que se diferenciam no dialeto Timbira conhecido como Pykobjê- Gavião (Tronco Macro-Jê, Família Jê). Através de uma abordagem tipológicofuncionalista, discutimos (i) aspectos de tipologia e ordem de palavras, (ii) distinção entre as duas classes de palavras mais comuns no rol das línguas naturais do mundo, isto é, nome e verbo e (iii) demais classes de palavras observáveis nessa variante linguística, na medida em que se relacionam a nome e verbo. Veremos que os nomes funcionam em Pykobjê-Gavião, basicamente, como núcleo de argumento; ao passo que o verbo, que é mais fomentador de relações, tem como principal atribuição dentro da frase atuar como núcleo de predicado. Os verbos se dividem, por sua vez, em verbos intransitivos simples (único argumento: Sa, So ou Sio) ou intransitivos estendidos e verbos transitivos simples (dois argumentos: A e P) ou transitivos estendidos. Para fundamentar a análise utilizaremos, principalmente, Comrie (1985), Dik (1997), Dryer (1999), Givón (1997, 2001), Payne (1997) e Schachter (2007). / In this thesis, we have described and analyzed, under the bias morphosyntactic, the parts-of-speech systems we could differ in one Timbiras dialect, known as Pykobjê- Gavião (Macro-Jê Branch, Jê Family). Via a functional-typological approach, we have discussed (i) some aspects about language typology and word order correlations, (ii) some distinctions between noun and verb classes, i.e., the most usual word classes among all natural languages and (iii) some others word classes we could observe in this dialect to extent that they are related to noun and verb. We will see that the names work in Pykobjê-Gavião basically as the core of the argument, whereas the verb, which is high promoter relations, within the clause acts mainly as the core of the predicate. Verbs can be divided for analysis into intransitive verbs (single argument: Sa, So or Sio) or extended intransitive verbs and transitive verbs (two arguments: A and P) or extended transitive verbs. To support our analysis we will use, mainly, Comrie (1985), Dik (1997), Dryer (1999), Givón (1997, 2001), Payne (1997) e Schachter (2007).

Diferentes agrupamentos de verbos, parte do que chamamos aqui de construções marginais, representam em georgiano um pequeno número de verbos que apresenta peculiaridades estruturais que se desviam, de um modo ou de outro, do padrão dominante representado por classes maiores de verbos. São nessas classes maiores que esses agrupamentos menores tradicionalmente acabam por ser inseridos, estando no limiar, diacrônica e sincronicamente, entre construções morfossintáticas maiores. Argumenta-se que, assim como em relação às classes verbais maiores e mais produtivas, esses grupos menores de verbos também revelam tendências bastante específicas presentes na língua, destacando-se por apresentar diferentes processos de significação. Em vista disso, com base no movimento teórico conhecido pelo amplo termo Linguística Cognitiva, procurou-se compreender e explicar fornecendo as necessárias relações entre construções que apontam para essas tendências menos e mais produtivas e prototípicas de que forma mudanças formais vistas nesses grupos de verbos em particular como mudanças argumentais, aumento ou apagamento de argumentos, mudança na marcação de caso de argumentos etc. codificam e espelham maneiras e processos distintos de significação, e qual seria, consequentemente, a natureza dessas diferentes significações. / Different groups of verbs, that we call here marginal constructions, represent in Georgian a limited number of verbs that have structural peculiarities that deviate in one way or another, from the dominant pattern represented by major verb classes in which they are traditionally classified, since they are at the threshold between major morphosyntactic constructions, diachronically and synchronically. It is argued that, compared to the largest and most productive verb classes, these smaller groups of verbs also reveal quite specific tendencies within the language, particularly by showing different meaning processes. Therefore, based on the theoretical framework known by the broad term Cognitive Linguistics, we sought to understand and explain by providing the necessary relations between those constructions that point to less and more productive and prototypical tendencies - how formal changes seen in these verb groups in particular, e.g. changes in argument structure, increase or deletion of arguments, shifting in case marking of arguments etc., reflect and code distinct ways and processes of conceptualization, being able, therefore, to caracterize the nature of these different meanings.

In this dissertation I provide an account of the distribution of Korean clause-typing markers from the perspective of a formal typological model, the Universal Spine Hypothesis (Wiltschko, 2014, 2017). Although Korean clause-typing markers have both syntactic properties (expressing force/mood, Chomsky 2000, 2001) and pragmatic properties (expressing speech styles, Sohn 1999), my investigation focuses on the morphosyntactic properties of clause-typing markers in single-layered and double-layered CPs. I detail their ability to transmit clause type, their compatibility with TAM elements, and their incompatibility with subordinators and speech act elements. My central claim is that, through an association with the linking spine (i.e., CP in generative grammar), clause-typing markers, including ta and e, construct Korean language-specific categories. Clause-typing markers interact with a syntactic domain encoding the common ground of speech participants, the grounding spine. My dissertation has two major findings. First, the morphophonological realization of C is obligatory in both finite and non-finite clauses. I therefore propose a Clause Complementation Parameter (CCP)—all clauses must have a complementizer, and a C must have a correspondent PF realization. This accounts for the expletive-like dummy complementizers e and ci which can fill the head of the three basic clause types. Second, functional elements selecting clause-typing markers support the existence of syntactic projections above the traditional CP. For instance, iterative ko and hearsay y in reiterated and hearsay utterances, respectively, must be associated with the syntactic domain above CP. I argue that along with polite yo and intonation, they construct Korean language-specific categories through their association with the three universal categorizers k: linking, k: grounding, and k: responding. This is formulated as [RespP [GroundP [LinkingP [AnchoringP …-ssPAST] -taDECL] -yHEARSAY] (-yoPOLITE) -↑]. Investigations of the distributions of periphrastic irrealis clause-typing markers and multifunctional clause-typing markers contribute to our understanding of the multifaceted nature of category C: the periphrastic irrealis markers show that C with T can restrict the person feature on the subject. The interpretations of multifunctional markers in different morphosyntactic contexts show that their properties emerge in two ways: through interaction with local elements in the domain or by virtue of their association with hierarchically distinct domains. Assuming the Universal Spine Hypothesis, I have accounted for the morphosyntactic properties of Korean clause-typing markers by proposing language-specific categories considering the functional layers. This dissertation offers a more complete account of Korean grammar but also will provide an explanation for cross-linguistic differences in encoding of clause-typing—Units of Languages change how C appears. / Graduate

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:22:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-05-12Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:48:44Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 pavezi_vc_me_sjrp.pdf: 2419223 bytes, checksum: 632128119946641419681f60aad12be9 (MD5) / Nesta dissertação, descrevemos a haplologia na variedade paulista do Português Brasileiro (PB). Inicialmente, caracterizamos a haplologia como um processo fonológico no qual é possível perceber a queda total de uma sílaba no encontro de duas sílabas semelhantes átonas em fronteiras de palavras. Caracterizamos, também, o corpus utilizado: inquéritos do NURC-SP e inquéritos do IBORUNA-SJRP. Esses inquéritos possuem em comum a sua natureza constitutiva: ambos são dados de fala espontânea. Questionamos, ao longo desta dissertação: (i) que contexto segmental favorece a aplicação da haplologia? (ii) se existe um contexto segmental que bloqueia a haplologia? (iii) em que contexto segmental é mais freqüente a aplicação da haplologia? (iv) em que medida a aplicação da haplologia contribui para a organização rítmica do Português Brasileiro? (v) qual o domínio prosódico da haplologia? e (vi) se existe um contexto morfológico que bloqueia a haplologia? Após a análise dos dados, constatamos que o contexto segmental que favorece a aplicação da haplologia é o formado por consoantes obstruintes não-continuas /t/ e /d/ e que esse contexto é o mais freqüente em dados de fala espontânea. Verificamos também que o contexto de haplologia é mais freqüente no domínio prosódico de frase fonológica e que há variação da queda de uma sílaba nesse domínio. Observamos, ainda, que a haplologia favorece o ritmo trocaico do PB. Após a análise de um conjunto de dados em que há bloqueio da haplologia, os quais são constituídos por monomorfema de + item lexical, verificamos que a informação morfossintática do item gramatical agiu no bloqueio da haplologia da mesma forma que age no bloqueio da elisão. Com base nesse resultado, fazemos uma breve discussão de como um fator morfossintático atua sobre a fonologia de modo a bloquear categoricamente o apagamento de segmentos... / In this dissertation, we describe the haplology in São Paulo variety of Brazilian Portuguese (BP). Beginning; we characterize the haplology as a phonological process in which it is possible to perceive the total loss of a syllable in the encounter of two weak similar syllables in borders of words. We characterize, too, the used corpus: inquiries of NURC-SP and inquiries of IBORUNA-SJRP. What these inquiries have in common is their constituent nature: both are samples of spontaneous speech. We question, along this dissertation: (i) that the segmental context which favors the application of haplology? (ii) if exist a segmental context which blocked the haplology? (iii) that segmental context of haplology is more frequent? (iv) how haplology application contribute of rhythmic organization of Brazilian Portuguese? (v) that prosodic domain of haplology? and (vi) if exist a morphosyntatic context which blocked the haplology? After analyze of dates, we testify that segmental context which favors the applications of haplology is the one formed by non-continuous obstruent consonants /t/ and /d/ and that this context is most frequent in samples of spontaneous speech. We verify, too, that the segmental context of haplology is more frequent in the prosodic domain of phonological phrases and that there is a variation of the loss of a syllable in that domain. We have also observed that the haplology favors the trochaic rhythm of BP. After analyze a set of data in which haplology blockage may be found. These data are constituted by monomorpheme de + lexical item. We verify that the morphosyntatic information of the grammatical item acted in the blockage of the haplology in the same way it acts in the blockage of the elision. Based on this result, we briefly discuss about as a morphosyntatic factor acts on phonology in order to block categorically the deletion of segments. At last, we conclude our reflection by bringing back the main obtained results as well.

Diferentes agrupamentos de verbos, parte do que chamamos aqui de construções marginais, representam em georgiano um pequeno número de verbos que apresenta peculiaridades estruturais que se desviam, de um modo ou de outro, do padrão dominante representado por classes maiores de verbos. São nessas classes maiores que esses agrupamentos menores tradicionalmente acabam por ser inseridos, estando no limiar, diacrônica e sincronicamente, entre construções morfossintáticas maiores. Argumenta-se que, assim como em relação às classes verbais maiores e mais produtivas, esses grupos menores de verbos também revelam tendências bastante específicas presentes na língua, destacando-se por apresentar diferentes processos de significação. Em vista disso, com base no movimento teórico conhecido pelo amplo termo Linguística Cognitiva, procurou-se compreender e explicar fornecendo as necessárias relações entre construções que apontam para essas tendências menos e mais produtivas e prototípicas de que forma mudanças formais vistas nesses grupos de verbos em particular como mudanças argumentais, aumento ou apagamento de argumentos, mudança na marcação de caso de argumentos etc. codificam e espelham maneiras e processos distintos de significação, e qual seria, consequentemente, a natureza dessas diferentes significações. / Different groups of verbs, that we call here marginal constructions, represent in Georgian a limited number of verbs that have structural peculiarities that deviate in one way or another, from the dominant pattern represented by major verb classes in which they are traditionally classified, since they are at the threshold between major morphosyntactic constructions, diachronically and synchronically. It is argued that, compared to the largest and most productive verb classes, these smaller groups of verbs also reveal quite specific tendencies within the language, particularly by showing different meaning processes. Therefore, based on the theoretical framework known by the broad term Cognitive Linguistics, we sought to understand and explain by providing the necessary relations between those constructions that point to less and more productive and prototypical tendencies - how formal changes seen in these verb groups in particular, e.g. changes in argument structure, increase or deletion of arguments, shifting in case marking of arguments etc., reflect and code distinct ways and processes of conceptualization, being able, therefore, to caracterize the nature of these different meanings.

Esta dissertação descreve e analisa a estrutura argumental e as classes verbais da língua Dâw (família Nadahup, Amazonas). Estudamos os verbos dessa língua do ponto de vista semântico e sintático, identificando classes e subclasses de acordo com o comportamento morfossintático das raízes verbais. Além disso, avaliamos as hipóteses descritivas e explicativas das classes verbais identificadas por Martins (2004), primeira pesquisadora a abordar a morfossintaxe Dâw. Nosso arcabouço teórico é a teoria de estrutura argumental desenvolvida por Hale & Keyser (2002), que propõe uma análise da sintaxe e da semântica dos itens lexicais por meio da estrutura argumental sistema de relações estruturais estabelecidas entre o núcleo e seus argumentos, dentro de estruturas sintáticas projetadas pelo próprio núcleo. Por meio de testes linguísticos variados, incluindo alternância de valência e julgamento de (a)gramaticalidade, reclassificamos as nove classes verbais identificadas por Martins (2004) em três classes de acordo com a valência do verbo: classe dos verbos intransitivos, classe dos verbos transitivos e classe dos verbos bitransitivos. Martins (2004) afirma que, na sentença, os verbos podem mudar de tom devido à presença de um morfema tonal transitivizador ou intransitivizador. Contudo, mostramos neste trabalho que o sistema tonal da língua, no nível da sentença, é previsível. Desse modo, independentemente do processo de aumento de valência envolvido, percebemos que a mudança tonal dos verbos decorre devido ao fraseamento fonológico das sentenças. Quanto ao processo de transitivização, este identificou subclasses de verbos intransitivos: verbos alternantes e verbos nãoalternantes. As restrições de alternância devem-se à estrutura argumental de cada tipo verbal. No caso dos verbos intransitivos alternantes ou inacusativos, observamos que eles são formados a partir de estrutura diádica composta, que projeta um especificador interno e um complemento, o que lhe permite alternar entre uma forma intransitiva e transitiva. No caso dos verbos não-alternantes encontramos três padrões: verbos denominais e inergativos, formados a partir de uma estrutura argumental monádica (que não projeta especificador interno), o que impede a alternância; verbos inacusativos nãoalternantes, formados a partir de uma estrutura monádica que toma como complemento uma estrutura diádica básica verbos desse tipo não alternam, pois eles não são formados por uma estrutura diádica, mas contêm tal estrutura; e ve b s e jetiv is, formados a partir de uma cópula que toma como complemento um adjetivo. Uma vez que raiz e núcleo verbal possuem conteúdo fonológico pleno (não vazio), não é possível fazer conflation entre núcleo e raiz, o que impede que o predicado verbal seja formado. Essa estrutura explica a agramaticalidade desses verbos frente ao processo de transitivização automática. Também testamos a sintaxe e a semântica da intransitivização (construções incoativas, voz passiva, reflexiva e média). De modo geral, percebemos que não há morfologia específica para a construção de sentenças médias, incoativas ou anticausativas. Não existem passivas em Dâw; no lugar desta voz, os falantes produzem sentenças incoativas ou com o sujeito subespecificado. As sentenças reflexivas são geradas por meio de pronomes reflexivos na posição de objeto da sentença. Por fim, vimos que objetos diretos de sentenças transitivas são marcados pelo morfema {-uuy\'} analisados por nós como MDO. Sua aplicação está condicionada a restrições semânticas de definitude e animacidade / This thesis describes and analyzes the argument structure and verbal classes of the Dâw language (Nadahup family, Amazon). We studied the verbs of that language from the semantic and syntactic perspective, identifying classes and subclasses according to the morphosyntactic behavior of verbal roots. Furthermore, we evaluated the descriptive and explanatory hypotheses of verb classes identified by Martins (2004), the first researcher to address Dâw morphosyntax. Our theoretical framework is the theory of argument structure developed by Hale & Keyser (2002), which proposes an analysis of the syntax and semantics of lexical items by means of the argument structure the pattern of structural relations between the head and its arguments within syntactical structures projected by the head itself. Through various language tests, including verbal valency alternation and judgment of (a)grammaticality, we reclassified the nine verb classes identified by Martins (2004) into three classes according to the verbal valency: the classes of intransitive verbs, transitive verbs and bitransitive verbs. Martins (2004) states that, in the sentence, the verbs may change in tone due to the presence of a transitivizing or intransitivizing tonal morpheme. However, we show in this paper that the tonal system of the language is predictable at the sentence level. Thus, regardless of the valency-increasing process involved, we realized that the tonal change of verbs arises due to the phonological phrasing of sentences. Regarding the transitivization process, subclasses of intransitive verbs were identified: alternating and non-alternating verbs. The restrictions on alternation are due to the argument structure of each verb type. In the case of unaccusative or alternating intransitive verbs, we observed that they are formed from a composite dyadic structure, projecting an internal specifier and a complement, which allows them to switch between intransitive and transitive forms. In the case of non-alternating verbs we found three patterns: denominal and unergative verbs, based on a monadic argument structure (that does not project internal specifier) that prevents alternation; non-alternating unaccusative verbs based on a monadic structure that takes a basic dyadic structure as a complement verbs of this type do not alternate because they are not formed by a dyadic structure, but contain such a structure n e jectiv l ve bs, f me f m c p l ve b th t t kes n jective s complement. Since the root and verbal head have full (non-empty) phonological content, no conflation is possible between head and root, which prevents the formation of the verbal predicate. This structure explains the agrammaticality of these verbs with regard to the automatic transitivization process. We also tested the syntax and semantics of intransitivization (inchoative constructions, passive, reflexive and middle voices). In general, we found that there is no specific morphology for constructing middle, inchoative or anticausative sentences. There are no passives in Dâw; in place of this voice, the speakers form sentences that are inchoative or have a subspecified subject. Reflexive sentences are created using reflexive pronouns in the position of the object of the sentence. Finally, we found that direct objects of transitive sentences are marked by the {-uuy\'} morpheme analyzed by us as DOM. Its use is subject to semantic constraints of definiteness and animacy

No presente estudo descrevemos e analisamos, sob o viés morfossintático, as partes do discurso que se diferenciam no dialeto Timbira conhecido como Pykobjê- Gavião (Tronco Macro-Jê, Família Jê). Através de uma abordagem tipológicofuncionalista, discutimos (i) aspectos de tipologia e ordem de palavras, (ii) distinção entre as duas classes de palavras mais comuns no rol das línguas naturais do mundo, isto é, nome e verbo e (iii) demais classes de palavras observáveis nessa variante linguística, na medida em que se relacionam a nome e verbo. Veremos que os nomes funcionam em Pykobjê-Gavião, basicamente, como núcleo de argumento; ao passo que o verbo, que é mais fomentador de relações, tem como principal atribuição dentro da frase atuar como núcleo de predicado. Os verbos se dividem, por sua vez, em verbos intransitivos simples (único argumento: Sa, So ou Sio) ou intransitivos estendidos e verbos transitivos simples (dois argumentos: A e P) ou transitivos estendidos. Para fundamentar a análise utilizaremos, principalmente, Comrie (1985), Dik (1997), Dryer (1999), Givón (1997, 2001), Payne (1997) e Schachter (2007). / In this thesis, we have described and analyzed, under the bias morphosyntactic, the parts-of-speech systems we could differ in one Timbiras dialect, known as Pykobjê- Gavião (Macro-Jê Branch, Jê Family). Via a functional-typological approach, we have discussed (i) some aspects about language typology and word order correlations, (ii) some distinctions between noun and verb classes, i.e., the most usual word classes among all natural languages and (iii) some others word classes we could observe in this dialect to extent that they are related to noun and verb. We will see that the names work in Pykobjê-Gavião basically as the core of the argument, whereas the verb, which is high promoter relations, within the clause acts mainly as the core of the predicate. Verbs can be divided for analysis into intransitive verbs (single argument: Sa, So or Sio) or extended intransitive verbs and transitive verbs (two arguments: A and P) or extended transitive verbs. To support our analysis we will use, mainly, Comrie (1985), Dik (1997), Dryer (1999), Givón (1997, 2001), Payne (1997) e Schachter (2007).